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PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY 



LION GARDINER 



1599=1668, 



WITH AN APPENDIX. 



Our ancestors, though not perfect and infallible in all respects, were a religious, brave and virtuous set of men, 
whose love of liberty, civil and religious, brought them from their native land into the American Deserts. 

—Jonathan Mayhew, Election Sermon, 1754. 



Edited, with Notes Critical and Illustrative, 



CURTISS G. GABDINEK. 



ST. LOUIS: 

PRINTED FOR THE EDITOR. 

MDCCCLXXXIII. 






PRESS OF 

LEVISOX S; BLYTHE STATIONERY CO., 

ST. LOUIS. 



o; 



THIS WORK 
IS INSCRIBED TO THE MEMORY OF 

LIOX GARDINER; 

But for whose life my life had never known 
This faded vesture which it calls its o-nn.— Holme 

The Editor. 



ANNOUNCEMENT. 



I purpose to publish a volume, to be called the " Papers and Biography of 
Liou Gardiner." It will contain copies of his manuscripts, being reprints of 
manuscripts and autograph letters; gleanings from colonial histories and extracts 
from public and private records relating to events in which he bore a part. Also 
traditionary reminiscences and some account of his family name and arms. The 
whole to conclude with a biographical sketch and notes of reference. 

I shall be able to show, from authentic sources, his nativity, early life and 
occupation; his departure from abroad and arrival in this country; his career in 
colonial times; his purchase and occupation of an island which bears his name; 
being the progenitor of a respectable family in America. 

CURTISS C. GARDINER,. 
St. Louis, Missouri, July 14th, 1SS3. 



CONTENTS. 



Frontispiece. 
Dedication. 

Announcement. 
Contents. 

PAPERS. 

Chapter I.— Writing in a Genevan Bible. 
Chapter IT. — Relation of the Pequot Wars. 
Chapter III. — Letters to John Wiuthrop, Jr. 

BIOGRAPHY. 

Chapter I.— Family Name. 
Chapter EI. — Family Arms. 
Chapter III.— Biographical Sketch. 

Editorial Egotism— Acknowledgments and Comments. 

APPENDIX. 

INDEX. 



PAPERS. 



Behind the documents there was a man.— Taint. 



PAPERS. 



CHAPTER I. 
WRITING IN A GENEVAN BIBLE. 

The writing on the fly-leaf of the Genevan Bible— printed at 
London, 1599 — which is in the possession of the family at Gardiner's 
Island, has been pointed to for many generations as the hand- 
writing of Lion Gardiner ; and until the discovery of his undoubted 
autograph letters it was not questioned. 

This Genevan Bible was in the possession of the Conkling 
family of East Hampton, L. I., as late as the sixth generation from 
Lion Gardiner, when Elisha Conkling, (1) a great-grandson of Lion 
Gardiner's daughter Maiy, who married a Conkling, presented it 
to John Lyon Gardiner, (2) seventh proprietor of Gardiner's Island, 
since which time it has been counted among the valued relics of the 
family at the island. 

The tradition is, that this bible was once the property of Lion 
Gardiner ; yet it does not contain his name, nor any other name 
indicating ownership. The better opinion, as to the writing in this 
bible, seems to be that it is a copy from an original writing made by 
Lion Gardiner. 

(1) Vide lufra, pp. 12, 80. 

(2) Jolm Lyon Gardiner was born at Gardiner's Island, November 8th, 1770. He was graduated at the 
College of New Jersey in the class of 17S!>. His father died while he was in his infancy, aurl the island was 
placed in the care of iiireu trustees uulil lie ulitain*al his majority, when he became tiie seventh proprietor 
of the island. In 17113. he wrote a very intereslin;: paper, entitled •■ Notes ami observations on the Town of 

East Hampton. L 1.." which included liar t's Island .-Vide Ducumciil.irv History of N. Y.,Vol. I, 

p. 674, et seq. On March 4. 1803. he married Sarah Griswold of Lyme "" 

was three sonsand two daughter-. II- died \.e. cm l.er 22.) . 1S1G. Ilis wid 

During the middle life of Mr. .lobu I.y.ni Gardiner the Hev Lyman lieeel, 

Hampton. I.. I., from 1798 To 1809. We quote from Beecher's Autolm 

to Gardiner's Island as being within his parish, he mentions the seventh oi tne send 

of educatiou and reliucnient. ami celebrated for hN loudness !ur anliouai ian rosea 

naturally be attractive, to a youthful minister, aud accordingly tin- island, with i 

mansion, was ever one of his favorite visiting places: and during Ins East Hampton i 

ever thought ready for the press till it had beeu submitted to the inspection of his friend. John Lyou 

Gardiner."— 0. V. G. 



12 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

COPY OF THE WRITING IN A GENEVAN BIBLE. 

"In the yeare of our Lord 1635, July the 10th, came I, Lion Gardiner and 
Mary my wife from Woreden, a towne in Holland, where my wife was borne, being 
tbe daughter of one Derike Wilamson, derocaut; her mother's name was Hachim 
Bastians ; her aunt, sister of her mother, was the wife of Wouter Leanderson, 
Old Burger Measter, dwelling in the hofston over against the brossoen in the 
Unicorn's Head ; her brother's name was Punc Gearstsen, Old Burger Measter. 
We came from Woerden to London, and from thence to New Eugland, and dwelt 
at Saybrook forte four years, of which I was commander ; and there was borne 
unto me a son named David, in 1636, April the 29, the first born in that place, 
and in 1638, a daughter was born to me callei Mary, August the 30, and then 
I went to an island of mine owne, which I bought of the Indians, called by them 
Manchonake, by us the Isle of Wite, and there was born another daughter 
named Elizabeth, Sept. the 14, 1641, she being the first child born theire of 
English parents." 

The writing from which the above was copied is very irregular 
and considerably faded and defaced, and could hardly be deciphered 
by any one without some knowledge of the subject. 

COPY OF ANCIENT MANUSCRIPT. 

The following is a co'pj of ancient manuscript, which, with the 
memorandum annexed to it, was copied from the records in the 
Family Bible of John Lyon Gardiner, seventh proprietor of Gardi- 
ner's Island: (1) 

" In the year of our Lord, 1635, the tenth of July, came I, Lion Gardiner and 
Mary my wife from Woerdon a towne in Holland where my wife was born being 
the daughter of one Derike Wilemson deurcant ; her rnother"s name was Hachin 
and her auut, sister of her mother, was the wife of Wouter Leonardson old 
burger meester dwelling in the hostrate over against the Brewer in Unicorn's 
head; her brother's name was Punce Garretson also an old burgher meester. We 
came from Woerdon to London and from thence to New England and dwelt at 
Saybrooke fort four years, it is at the mouth of the Connecticut river, of which I 
was commander, and there was born to me a son named David, 1636, the 29th of 
April, the first born in that place, and 1638, a daughter was born named Mary, 
the 30th of August, and then I went to an island of my owne which I had bought 
and purchased of the Indians, called by them Manchonake, by us the Isle of 
Weight, and there was born another d'aujrhter named Elizabeth the 14th of Sept., 
1641, she being the first child of English parents that was born there." 

—"Memorandum by John Lyon Gardiner, August 30th, 1804. * * * 
The above writing is a literal copy of ancient manuscript in the possession of Miss 
Lucretia Gardiner, (2) daughter of David Gardiner of New London, from which it 
is probable the writing in an old family bible, printed at London, 1599, was taken, 
as they are nearly similar, which bible was a few years since — about 1794— given 
to John L. Gardiner by Mr. Elisha Coukling of Wernot, being great-grandson of 
the above-mentioned Mary, who married Jeremiah Conkling of East Hampton, 
L. I., about 1658, and died June 15, 1727, aged 89." 

1.1) Tlii- lan.ih t.il.h- cntaiii - tin- t.irlhs. marriages and deaths of the eldest sous, who had heen proprie- 
tors 01 Hi' Island 03 entail; bul then Is no Information of the yonugvr sons and daughters (,?) The arrange- 
ment or all ..I Ilio rr .1- ,- 11 k 1 li. .. I i .-:. I and • ■..inpl.le. even lo ihe iiiinutcsl pari k-nlavs. Iln the last printed 

page is tin- loll.. wing: "Till- ln.ok »;i- purchased, July 8th, anno doinini 1803, by Johu Lyon Gardiner — 

(2) Miss Lucretia Gardiner was a daughter ..1 David Gardiner who was a son of David Gardiner, fourth 

Sroprietor. and never married. Whal became of the ancient manuscript which was in her possession has not 
eeu ascertained. It appears there 

daughter of John Gardiner, the only: 
proprietor. The Misses Lucretia were secoutl t 



LION GARDINER. 13 

The foregoing " memorandum " is particularly important, because 
the author of it is well known and thoroughly reliable. It is in the 
nature of a certificate as to the copy of "ancient manuscript"- — 
giving to that writing something of the legal effect of a certified 
copy. As to other matters the author declares that the " Genevan 
Bible " was presented to him by a certain member of the Conkling 
family in 1794; and states on his belief that the "writing" in the 
Genevan Bible is probably a copy — overthrowing all of the tradi- 
tions with reference to the old bible itself and to the writing in it. 



14 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

CHAPTER II. 

RELATION OF THE PEQUOT WARS. 

The following "Letter" and "Relation of the PequotWars, " by Lion Gardiner, are reprints copied 
verbatim et literatim from the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, published in the year 1833. 
Vol. Ill, 3rd series, 131-160. The publishingcommitt.ee of the Society state that "the original manuscript of 
this 'Relation,' and a copy in the handwriting of Gov. Jonathan Trumbull, the elder, 11 were delivered to 
them for publication "by William T. Williams," a grandson of Gov. Trumbull, of Lebanon, Ct. The com- 
mittee further slate, " on account of the difficulty the printer would find in deciphering the original, have 
followed the orthography of the copy, excepting in the proper names, where they thought it of more import- 
ance to adhere to the ancient orthography." The existence of this manuscript was known to historical 
writers for many years before it was published. B. Trumbull's His. of Ct., 2 vols., New Haven, 1797 and 1818, 
refers to " Manuscripts of Gardiner," Vol. I, 61. It is said to have formerly belonged to the Winthrop family 
of New London. But whether the manuscript lias been preserved, to the present time, cannot be ascertained. 
Neither of the historical societies of New England have the custody of it. In accordance with the custom of 
historical societies the manuscript is printed without making corrections.; even the name Gardiner is printed 
Gardeuer because, it may be, the letter intended for an i, does not happen to be dotted, obviously the result 
of carelessness. 

The " Relation " is both spirited and entertaining; the style is stately and quaint, frequently amusing 
and always exact, and abounds in scriptural phrases after the manner of the Puritans. 

The reader will bear in mind that this is a copy of original manuscript written in the seventeenth century, 
by an aged man, who had dwelt twenty-five years in a wilderness; yet Lion Gardiner's orthography, as well 
as phraseology, will compare favorably with the best specimens of Ills distinguished contemporaries. 

LETTER. 

East Hampton, June, 12, 1660. 

Loving friends, Robert Chapman and Thomas Hmiburt: My 
love remembered to you both, these are to inform, that as you desired 
me when I was with you and Major Mason at Seabrooke two years 
and a half ago to consider and call to mind the passages of God's 
Providence at Seabrooke in and about the time of the Pequit War, 
wherein I have now endeavoured to answer your desires and having 
rumaged and found some old papers then written it was a great help 
to my memory. You know that when I came to you I was an engi- 
neer or architect, whereof carpentry is a little part, but you know I 
could never use all the tools, for air hough for my necessity, I was 
forced sometimes to use 1113" shifting chissel, and my holdfast, yet you 
know I could never endure nor abide the smoothing plane; I have 
sent you a piece of timber scored and forehewed unfit to join to any 
handsome piece of work, but seeing I have done the hardest work, you 



LION GARDINER. 15 

must get somebody to chip it and to smooth it lest the splinters 
should prick some men's fingers, for the truth must not be spoken 
at all times, though to my knowledge I have written nothing but the 
truth, and you may take out or put in what you please, or if you 
will, throw it all into the lire ; but I think you may let the Governor 
and Major Mason see it. I have also inserted some additions of 
things that were done since, that they may be considered together. 
And thus as I was when I was with jou, so I remain still. 

Your Loving Friend, 

Lion Gardiner. 

relation. 

In the year 1635, 1, Lion Gardiner, engineer and master of works of 
fortification in the legers of the Prince of Orange, in the Low Coun- 
tries, through the persuasion of Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Hugh Peters 
with some other well-affected Englishmen of Rotterdam, I made an 
agreement with the forenamed Mr. Peters for £100 per annum, for 
four years, to serve the company of patentees, namely, the Lord Say, 
the Lord Brooks, Sir Arthur Hazilrig, Sir Mathew Bonnington, Sir 
Richard Saltingstone, Esquire Fenwick, and the rest of their com- 
pany. I was to serve them only in the drawing, ordering and making 
of a city, towns or forts of defence. 

And so I came from Holland to London, and from thence to New 
England, where I was appointed to attend such orders as Mr. John 
Winthrop, Esquire, the present Governor of Conectecott, was to 
appoint, whether at Pequit river, or Conectecott, and that we should 
choose a place both for the convenience of a good harbour, and also 
for capableness and fitness for fortification. 

But I landing at Boston the latter end of November, the afore- 
said Mr. Winthrop had sent before one Lieut. Gibbons, Sergeant 
Willard, with some carpenters, to take possession of the liver's mouth, 
where they began to build houses against the spring; we expecting, 
according to promise, that there would have come from England to 
us 300 able men, whereof 200 should attend fortification, 50 to till 
the ground, and 50 to build houses. 

But our great expectation at the river's mouth came only to two 



16 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

men, viz. Mr. Penwick, and his man, who came with Mr. Hugh Peters, 
and Mr. Oldham and Thomas Stanton, bringing with them some 
otter-skin coats, and beaver, and skeins of wampum, which the Pe- 
qaits had sent for a present, because the English had required those 
Peqnits that had killed a Yirginean, one Capt. Stone, with his bark's 
crew, in Conectecott river, for they said they would have their lives 
and not their presents ; then I answered, " seeing you will take Mr. 
Winthrop to the Bay to see his wife, newly brought to bed of her 
first child, and though you say he shall return, yet I know if you 
make war with these Pequits, he will not come hither again, for I 
know you will keep yourselves safe, as you think, in the Bay. but 
myself, with these few, you will leave at the stake to be roasted, or 
for hunger to be starved, for Indian corn is now 12s. per bushel, and 
we have but three acres planted, and if they will now make war for 
a Virginian and expose us to the Iudians, whose mercies are cruel- 
ties, they, I say, love the Virginians better than us : for, have they 
stayed these four or five years, and will they begin now, we being so 
few in the river, and have scarce holes to put our heads in \ " 

I pray ask the Magistrates in the Bay if they have forgot what 
I said to them when they returned from Salem I For Mr. Winthrop, 
Mr. Haines, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Ludlow. Mr. Humfry, Mr. Belingam, Mr. 
Coddington, and Mr. NowelT; — these entreated me to go with Mr. 
Humfry and Mr. Peters to view the country, to see how fit it was for 
fortification. And I told them that nature had done more than half 
the work already, and I thought no foreign potent enemy would do 
them any hurt, but one that was near. They asked me who that was, 
and I said it was Capt. Hunger that threatened them most, for, said 
1. •■ war is like a three-footed stool, want one foot and down comes 
all; and these three feet are men, victuals, and munition, therefore, 
seeing in peace you are like to be famished, what will or can be 
done if war? Therefore I think," said 1, " it will be best only to 
fight against Capt. Hunger, and let fortification alone awhile : and if 
need hereafter require it, I can come to do you any service : " and 
thej r all liked my saying well. 

Entreat them to rest awhile, till we get more strength here about 
us, and that we hear where the seat of war will be, may approve of 
it, and provide for it, for I had but twenty-four in all, men, women. 



LION GARDINER. 17 

and boys and girls, and not food for them for two months, unless we 
saved our corn-field, which could not possibly be if they came to 
war, for it is two miles from our home. 

Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Fenwick, and Mr. Peters promised me that 
they would do their utmost endeavour to persuade the Bay-men to 
desist from war a year or two, till we could be better provided for it ; 
and then the Pequit Sachem was sent for, and the present returned, 
but full sore against my will. 

So they three returned to Boston, and two or three days after 
came an Indian from Pequit, whose name was Cocommithus, who had 
lived at Plimoth, and could speak good English ; he desired that Mr. 
Steven "Winthrop go to Pequit with an £100 worth of trucking cloth 
and all other trading ware, for they knew that we had a great cargo 
of goods of Mr. Pincheon's, and Mr. Steven Winthrop had the dis- 
posing of it. And he said that if he would come he might put off all 
his goods, and the Pequit Sachem would give him two horses that 
had been there a great while. So I sent the shallop with Mr. Steven 
Winthrop, Sergeant Tille, whom we called afterward Sergeant Ket- 
tle, because he put the kettle on his head, and Thomas Hurlbut and 
three men more, charging them that they should ride in the middle 
of the river, and not go ashore until they had done all their trade, 
and that Mr. Steven Winthrop should stand in the hold of the boal, 
having their guns by them, and swords by their sides, the other four 
to be, two in the fore cuddie, and two in aft, being armed in like 
manner, that so they out of the loop-holes might clear the boat, if 
they were by the Pequits assaulted ; and that they should let but 
one canoe come aboard at once, with no more but four Indians in 
her, and when she had traded then another, and that they should lie 
no longer there than one day, and at night to go out of the river ; and 
if they brought the two horses, to take them in a clear piece of land 
at the mouth of the river, two of them to go ashore to help the horses 
in, and the rest stand ready With their guns in their hands, if need 
were, to defend them from the Pequits, for I durst not trust them. 
So they went and found but little trade, and they having forgotten 
what I charged them, Thomas Hurlbut and one more went ashore to 
boil the kettle, and Thomas Hurlbut stepping into the Sachem's wig- 
wam, not far from the shore, enquiring for the horses, the Indians 



18 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

went out of the wigwam, and Wincumbone, his mother's sister, was 
then the great Pequit Sachem's wife, who made signs to him that he 
should be gone, for they would cut off his head ; which, when he per- 
ceived, he drew his sword and ran to the others, and got aboard, and 
immediately came abundance of Indians to the water-side and called 
them to come ashore, but they immediately set sail and came home, 
and this caused me to keep watch and ward, for I saw thej r plotted 
our destruction. 

And suddenly after came Capt. Endecott, Capt. Turner, and Capt. 
Undrill, with a company of soldiers, well fitted, to Seabrook, and 
made that place their rendezvous or seat of war, and that to my great 
grief, for, said I, " you come hither to raise these wasps about my 
ears, and then you will take wing and flee away ; " but when I had 
seen their commission I wondered, and made man}' allegations 
against the manner of it, but go they did to Pequit, and as they 
came without acquainting any of us in the river with it, so they went 
against our will, for I knew that I should loose our corn-field; then 
I entreated them to hear what I would say to them, which was this : 
" sirs, seeing you will go, I pray you, if you don't load your barks 
with Pequits, load them with corn, for that is now gathered with 
them, and dry, ready to put into their barns, and both you and we 
have need of it, and I will send my shallop and hire this Dutchman's 
boat, there present, to go with you, and if you cannot attain your 
end of the Pequits, yet you may load your barks with corn, which 
will be welcome to Boston and to me : " But they said they had no 
bags to load them with, then said I, " here is three dozen of new bags, 
you shall have thirty of them, and my shallop to carry them, and six 
of them my men shall use themselves, for I will with the Dutchmen 
send twelve men well provided ; " and I desired them to divide the 
men into three parts, viz. two parts to stand without the corn, and to 
defend the other one-third part, that carried the corn to the water- 
side, till they have loaded what they can. And the men there in 
arms, when the rest are aboard, shall in order go aboard, the rest 
that are aboard shall with their arms clear the shore, if the Pequits 
do assault them in the rear, and then, when the General shall display 
his colours, all to set sail together. To this motion they all agreed, 
and I put the three dozen of bags aboard my shallop, and away they 



LION GARDINER. 19 

went, and demanded the Pequit Sachem to come into parley. But 
it was returned for answer, that he was from home, but within three 
hours he would come ; and so from three to six, and thence to nine, 
there came none. But the Indians came without arms to our men, 
in great numbers, and they talked with my men, whom they knew ; 
but in the end, at a word given, they all on a sudden ran away from 
our men, as they stood in rank and file, and not an Indian more was 
to be seen : and all this while before, they carried all their stuff 
away, and thus was that great parley ended. Then they displayed 
their colours, and beat their drums, burnt some wigwams and some 
heaps of corn, and my men carried as much aboard as they could, 
but the army went aboard, leaving my men ashore, which ought to 
have inarched aboard first. But they all set sail, and my men were 
pursued by the Indians, and they hurt some of the Indians, two 
of them came home wounded. The Bay-men killed not a man, 
save that one Kichomiquim, an Indian Sachem of the Bay, killed 
a Pequit ; and thus began the war between the Indians and us in 
these parts. 

So my men being come home, and having brought a pretty 
quantity of corn with them, they informed me, both Dutch and Eng- 
lish, of all passages. I was glad of the corn. 

After this I immediately took men and went to our corn-field, to 
gather our corn, appointing others to come about with the shallop 
and fetch it, and left five lusty men in the strong-house, with long 
guns, which house I had built for the defence of the corn. Now these 
men not regarding the charge I had given them, three of them went 
a mile from the house a fowling ; and having loaded themselves with 
fowl they returned. But the Pequits let them pass first, till they had 
loaded themselves, but at their return they arose out of their am- 
bush, and shot them all three ; one of them escaped through the 
corn, shot through the leg, the other two they tormented. Then 
the next day I sent the shallop to fetch the five men, and the rest 
of the corn that was broken down, and they found but three, as 
is above said, and when they had gotten that they left the rest; 
and as soon as they had gone a little way from shore they saw the 
house on fire. 

Now so soon as the boat came home, and brought us this bad 



20 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 

news, old Mr. Michell was very urgent with me to lend him the boat 
to fetch hay home from the Six-mile Island, but I told him they were 
too few men, for his four men could but carry the hay aboard, and 
one must stand in the boat to defend them, and they must have two 
more at the foot of the Rock, with their guns, to keep the Indians 
from running down upon them. And in the first place, before they 
carry any of the cocks of hay, to scour the meadow with their three 
dogs, — to march all abreast from the lower end up to the Rock, and 
if they found the meadow clear, then to load their hay ; but this was 
also neglected, for they all went ashore and fell to carrying off 
their hay, and the Indians presently rose out of the long grass, 
and killed three, and took the brother of Mr. Michell, who is the 
minister of Cambridge, and roasted him alive ; and so they served 
a shallop of his, coining down the river in the Spring, having two 
men, one whereof they killed at Six-mile Island, the other came down 
drowned to us ashore at our doors, with an arrow shot into his eye 
through his head. 

In the 22d of February, I went out witli ten men and three dogs, 
half a mile from the house, to burn the weeds, leaves and reeds, 
upon the neck of land, because we had felled twenty timber-trees, 
which we were to roll to the water-side to bring home, every man 
carrying a length of match with brimstone-matches with him to 
kindle the fire withal. But when we came to the small of the Neck, 
the weeds burning, I having before this set two sentinels on the small 
of the Neck, I called to the men that were burning the reeds to come 
away, but they would not until they had burnt up the rest of their 
matches. Presently there starts up four Indians out of the fiery 
reeds, but ran away, I calling to the rest of our men to come awaj^ 
out of the marsh. Then Robert Chapman and Thomas Hurlbut, 
being sentinels, called to me, saying there came a number of In- 
dians out of the other side of the marsh. Then I went to stop 
them, that they should not get the wood-land ; but Thomas Hurlbut 
cried out to me that some of the men did not follow me, for Thomas 
Rumble and Arthur Branch, threw down their two guns and ran 
away ; then the Indians shot two of them that were in the reeds, and 
sought to get between us and home, but durst not come before us, 
but kept us in a half-moon, we retreating and exchanging many a 



LION GARDINER. 21 

shot, so that Thomas Hurlbut was shot almost through the thigh, 
John Spencer in the hack, into his kidneys, myself into the thigh, 
two more were shot dead. But in our retreat I kept Hurlbut and 
Spencer still before us, we defending ourselves with our naked 
swords, or else they had taken us all alive, so that the two sore 
wounded men, by our slow retreat, got home with their guns, when 
our two sound men ran away and left their guns behind them. But 
when I saw the cowards that left us, I resolved to let them draw lots 
which of them should be hanged, for the articles did hang up in 
the hall for them to read, and they knew they had been pub- 
lished long before. But at the intercession of old Mr. Michell, Mr. 
Higgisson, and Mr. Pell, I did forbear. 

Within a few days after, when I had cured myself of my wound, 
I went out with eight men to get some fowl for our relief, and found 
the guns that were thrown away, and the body of one man shot 
through, the arrow going in at the right side, the head sticking fast, 
half through a rib on the left side, which I took out and cleansed it, 
and presumed to send to the Bay, because they had said that the 
arrows of the Indians were of no force. 

Anthony Dike, master of a bark, having his bark at Rhode 
Island in the winter, was sent by Mr. Vane, then Governor. 
Anthony came to Rhode Island by land, and from thence he came 
with his bark to me with a letter, wherein was desired that I 
should consider and prescribe the best way I could to quell these 
Pequits, which I also did, and with my letter sent the man's rib 
as a token. 

A few days after came Thomas Stanton down the river, and 
staying for a wind, while he was there came a troop of Indians 
within musket shot, laying themselves and their arms clown behind 
a little rising hill and two great trees ; which I perceiving, called 
the carpenter whom I had shewed how to charge and level a gun, 
and that he should put two cartridges of musket bullets into two 
sakers guns that lay about; and we levelled them against the place, 
and I told him that he must look towards me, and when he saw me 
wave my hat above my head he should give fire to both the guns ; 
then presently came three Indians, creeping out and calling to us to 
speak with us : and I was glad that Thomas Stanton was there, and 



22 PAPEES AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

I sent six men down by the Garden Pales to look that none should 
come under the hill behind us ; and having placed the rest in places 
convenient closely, Thomas and I with my sword, pistol and carbine, 
went ten or twelve poles without the gate to parley with them. And 
when the six men came to the Garden Pales, at the corner, they found 
a great number of Indians creeping behind the fort, or betwixt us 
and home, but the}' ran away. Now I had said to Thomas Stanton, 
whatsoever they say to you, tell me first, for we will not answer them 
directly to anything, for I know not the mind of the rest of the Eng- 
lish. So they came forth, calling us nearer to them, and we them 
nearer to us. But I would not let Thomas go any further than the 
great stump of a tree, and I stood by him ; then they asked who we 
were, and he answered " Thomas and Lieutenant," But they said he 
lied, for I was shot with many arrows ; and so I was, but my buff 
coat preserved me, only one hurt me. But when I spake to them 
they knew my voice, for one of them had dwelt three months with 
us, but ran away when the Bay -men came first. Then they asked 
us if Ave would fight with Niantecut Indians, for they were our 
friends and came to trade with us. We said we knew not the 
Indians one from another, and therefore would trade with none. 
Then they said, have you fought enough? We said we knew not 
yet. Then they asked if we did use to kill women and children ? 
We said that they should see that hereafter. So they were silent 
a small space, and then they said, We are Pequits, and have killed 
Englishmen, and can kill them as mosquetoes, and we will go to Con- 
ectecott and- kill men, women, and children, and we will take away 
the horses, cows and hogs. When Thomas Stanton had told me this, 
he prayed me to shoot that rogue, for, said he, he hath an English- 
man's coat on, and saith that lie hath killed three, and these other 
four have their cloathes on their backs. I said, "no, it is not the 
manner of a parley, but have patience and I shall tit them ere they 
go." " Nay, now or never," said he ; so when he could get no other 
answer but this last. I bid him tell them that they should not go to Con- 
ectecott, for if they did kill all the men, and take all the rest as they 
said, it would do them no good, but hurt, for Englishwomen are lazy, 
and can't do their work ; hoi*ses and cows will spoil your corn-fields, 
and tlie hogs their clam-banks, and so undo them : then I pointed to 



LION GARDINER. 23 

our great house, and bid him tell them there lay twenty pieces of 
trucking cloth, of Mr. Pincheon's, with hoes, hatchets, and all man- 
ner of trade, they were, better fight still with us, and so get all 
that, and then go up the river after they had killed all us. Having 
heard this, they were mad as dogs, and ran away ; then when they 
came to the place from whence they came, I waved my hat about 
my head, and the two great guns went off, so that there was a great 
hubbub amongst them. 

Then two days after came down Capt. Mason, and Sergeant 
Seely, with five men more, to see how it was with us ; and whilst. 
they were there, came down a Dutch boat, telling us the Indians had 
killed fourteen English, for by that boat I had sent up letters to Con- 
ectecott, what I heard, and what I thought, and how to prevent that 
threatened danger, and received back again rather a scoff, than any 
thanks for my care and pains. But as I wrote, so it fell out to my 
great grief and theirs, for the next, or second day after, as Major 
Mason well knows, came down a great many canoes, going down the 
creek beyond the marsh, before the fort, many of them having white 
shirts ; then I commanded the carpenter whom I had shewed to level 
great guns, to put in two round shot in the two sackers, and we lev- 
elled them at a certain place, and I stood to bid him give fire, when 
I thought the canoe would meet the bullet, and one of them took off 
the nose of a great canoe wherein the two maids were, that were 
taken by the Indians, whom I redeemed and clothed, for the Dutch- 
men, whom I sent to fetch them, brought them away almost naked 
from Pequit, they putting on their own linen jackets to cover their 
nakedness ; and though the redemption cost me ten pounds, I am yet 
to have thanks for my care and charge about them : these things are 
known to Major Mason. 

Then came from the Bay Mr. Tille, with a permit to go up to 
Harford, and coming ashore he saw a paper nailed up over the gate, 
whereon was written that no boat or bark should pass the fort, but 
that they come to an anchor first, that I might see whether they 
were armed and manned sufficiently, and they were not to land 
any where after they passed the fort till they came to Wethersfield ; 
and this I did because Mr. Michell had lost a shallop before coming- 
down from Wethersfield, with three men well armed. This Mr. Tille 



24 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 

gave me ill language for my presumption, as he called it, with other 
expressions too long here to write. When he had done I hid him go 
to his warehouse, which he had built before I came, to fetch his 
goods from thence, for I would watch no longer oyer it. So he, know- 
ing nothing, went and found his house burnt, and one of Mr. Plum's 
with others, and he told me to my face that I had caused it to be 
done ; but Mr. Higgisson, Mr. Pell, Mr. Thomas Hurlbut and John 
(ireen can witness that the same day that our house was" burnt at 
Cornfield-point I went with Mr. Higgisson, Mr. Pell, and four men 
more, broke open a door and took a note of all that was in the house 
and gave it to Mr. Higgisson to keep, and so brought all the goods 
to our house, and delivered it all to them again when they came for 
it, without any penny of charge. Now the very next day after I had 
taken the goods out, before the sun was quite down, and we all to- 
gether in the great hall, all them houses were on tire in one instant. 
The Indians ran aw T ay, but I would not follow them. Now when Mr. 
Tille had received all his goods I said unto him, I thought I had 
deserved for my honest care both for their bodies and goods of those 
that passed by here, at the least better language, and am resolved to 
order such malepert persons as you are ; therefore I wish you and 
also charge you to observe that which you have read at the gate, 'tis 
my duty to God, my masters, and my love I bear to you all which is 
the ground of this, had you but eyes to see it ; but you will not till 
you feel it. So he went up the river, and when he came down again 
to his place, which I call Tide's folly, now called Title's point, in our 
sight in despite, having a fair wind he came to an anchor, and with 
one man more went ashore, discharged his gun, and the Indians fell 
upon him, and killed the other, and carried him alive over the river 
in our sight, before ray shallop could come to them ; for imme- 
diately I sent seven men to fetch the Pink down, or else it had been 
taken and three men more. So they brought her down, and I sent 
Mr. Higgisson and Mr. Pell aboard to take an invoice of all that was 
in the vessel, that nothing might be lost. 

Two days after came to me, as I had written to Sir Henerie Vane, 
then Governor of the Bay, I say came to me Capt. Undrill, with twenty 
lusty men, well armed, to stay with me two months, or 'till some- 
thing should be done about the Pequits. He came at the charge of 
my masters. 



LION GAEDINER. 25 

Soon after came down from Harford Maj . Mason, Lient. Seely, 
accompanied with Mr. Stone and eighty Englishmen, and eighty In- 
dians, with a commission from Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Steel, and some 
others ; these came to go fight with the Pequits. But when Capt 
Undrill and I had seen their commission, we both said they were not 
fitted for such a design, and we said to Maj. Mason, we wondered he 
would venture himself, being no better fitted ; and he said the Magis- 
trates could not or would not send better : then we said that none of 
our men should go with them, neither should they go unless we, 
that were bred soldiers from our youth, could see some likelihood 
to do better than the Bay -men with their strong commission last 
year. 

Then I asked them how they durst trust the Mohegin Indians, 
who had but that year come from the Pequits. They said they would 
trust them, for they could not well go without them for want of 
guides. Yea, said I, but I will try them before a man of ours shall 
go with you or them ; and I called for Uncas and said unto him, 
" you say you will help Maj. Mason, but I will first see it, therefore 
send you now twenty men to the Bass river, for there Avent yester- 
night six Indians in a canoe thither; fetch them now dead or alive, 
and then you shall go with Maj. Mason, else not." So he sent his 
men who killed four, brought one a traitor to us alive, whose name 
was Kiswas, and one run away. And I gave him fifteen yards of 
trading cloth on my own charge, to give unto his men according to 
their desert. And having staid there five or six days before we 
could agree, at last we old soldiers agreed about the way and act, 
and took twenty insufficient men from the eighty that came from 
Harford and sent them up again in a shallop, and Capt. Undrill with 
twenty of the lustiest of our men went in their room, and I fur- 
nished them with such things as they wanted, and sent Mr. Pell, the 
surgeon with them ; and the Lord God blessed their design and 
way, so that they returned with victory to the glory of God, and 
honour of our nation, having slain three hundred, burnt their fort, 
and taken many prisoners. 

Then came to me an Indian called Wequash, and I by Mr. Hig- 
gisson inquired of him, how many of the Pequits were yet alive that 
had helped to kill Englishmen; and he declared them to Mr. Higgis- 



26 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

son, and he writ them down, as may appear by his own hand here 
enclosed, and I did as therein is written. 

Then three days after the light came Waiandance, next brother to 
the old Sachem of Long Island, and having been recommended to me 
by Maj. Gibbons, he came to know if we were angry with all Indians. 
I answered i; no, but only with such as had killed Englishmen." 
He asked me whether they that lived upon Long Island might come 
to trade with us ? I said " no, nor we with them, for if I should send 
my boat to trade for corn, and you have Pequits with you, and if my 
boat should come into some creek by reason of bad weather, they 
might kill my men, and I shall think that you of Long-Island have 
done it, and so we may kill all you for the Pequits ; but if you will 
kill all the Pequits that come to you, and send me their heads, then I 
will give to you as to Weakwask, and you shall have trade with us." 
Then, said he, I will go to my brother, for he is the great Sachem 
of Long-Island, and if we may have peace and trade with you, we 
will give you tribute as we did the Peqnits. Then I said, "If you 
have any Indians that have killed English, you must bring their 
heads also." He answered not any one, and said that Gib- 
bons, my brother would have told you if it had been so ; so he 
went away and did as I had said, and sent me five heads, three 
and four heads for which I paid them that brought them as I had 
promised. 

Then came Capt. Stoten with an army of 300 men, from the Bay, 
to kill the Peqnits ; but they were fled beyond New Haven to a 
swamp. I sent Wequash after them, who went by night to spy them 
out, and the army followed him, and found them at the great swamp, 
who killed some and took others, and the rest fled to the Mowhakues 
with their Sachem. Then the Mohaws cut off his head and sent it 
to Harford, for then they all feared us, but now it is otherwise, for 
they say to our faces that our Commissioner's meeting once a year, 
and speak a great deal, or write a letter, and there's all for they dare 
not fight. But before they went to the Great Swamp they sent 
Thomas Stanton over to Long Island and Shelter Island, to find 
Pequits there, but there was none, for the Sachem Waiandance, that, 
was at Plimoth when the Commissioners were there, and set there 
last, I say, he had killed so many of the Pequits, and sent their heads 



LION GARDINER. 27 

to me, that they durst not come there ; and he and his men went with 
the English to the Swamp, and thus the Pequits were quelled at that 
time. 

But there was like to be a great broil between Miantenomie and 
Unchus who should have the rest of the Pequits, but we mediated 
between them and pacified them ; also Unchus challenged the Nar- 
raganset Sachem out to a single combat, but he would not fight with- 
out all his men ; but they were pacified, though the old grudge re- 
mained still, as it doth appear. 

Thus far I had written in a book, that all men and posterity might 
know how and why so many honest men had their blood shed, yea, 
and some flayed alive, others cut in pieces, and some roasted alive, 
only because Kichamokin, a Bay Indian killed one Pequit; and 
thus far of the Pequit war, which was but a comedy in comparison 
of the tragedies which hath been here threatened since, and may yet 
come, if God do not open the eyes, ears, and hearts of some that I 
think are wilfully deaf and blind, and think because there is no 
change that the vision fails, and put the evil threatened - day far 
off, for say they, we are now twenty to one to what we were then, 
and none dare meddle with us. Oh ! wo be to the pride and security 
which hath been the ruin of many nations, as woful experience has 
proved. 

But I wonder, and so doth many more with me, that the Bay 
doth not better revenge the murdering' of Mr. Oldham, an honest 
man of their own, seeing they were at such cost for a Virginian. The 
Narragansets that were at Block-Island killed him, and had £50 of 
gold of his, for I saw it when he had five pieces of me, and put it up 
into a clout and tied it up altogether, when he went away from me 
to Block-Island ; but the Narragansets had it and punched holes 
into it, and put it about their necks for jewels ; and afterwards I 
saw the Dutch have some of it, which they had of the Narragansets at 
a small rate. 

And now I find that to be true which our friend Waiandance 
told me many years ago, and that was this ; that seeing all the plots 
of the Narragansets were always discovered, he said they would let 
us alone till they had destroyed Uncas, and him, and then they, with 
the Mowquakes and Mowhaukes and the Indians beyond the Dutch, 



28 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

and all the Northern and Eastern Indians, wonld easily destroy us, 
man and mother's son. This have I informed the Governors of these 
parts, but all in vain, for I see they have done as those of Wethers- 
field, not regarding till they were impelled to it by blood ; and thus 
we may be sure of the fattest of the flock are like to go first, if not 
altogether, and then it will be too late to read Jer. xxv. — for drink 
we shall if the Lord be not the more merciful to us for our extreme 
pride and base security, which cannot but stink before the Lord ; 
and we may expect this, that if there should be war again between 
England and Holland, our friends at the Dutch and our Dutch Eng- 
lishmen would prove as true to us now, as they were when the fleet 
came out of England ; but no more of that, a word to the wise is 
enough. 

And now I am old, I would fain die a natural death, or like a 
soldier in the field, with honor, and not to have a sharp stake set in 
the ground, and thrust into my fundament, and to have my skin 
flayed off by piece-meal, and cut in pieces and bits, and my flesh 
roasted and thrust down my throat, as these people have done, 
and I know will be done to the chiefest in the country by hun- 
dreds, if God should deliver us into their hands, as justly he may 
for our sins. 

I going over to Meantecut, upon the eastern end of Long Island, 
upon some occasion that I had there, I found four Narragansets there 
talking with the Sachem and his old counsellors. I asked an Indian 
what they were ? He said that they were Narragansets, and that 
one was Miannemo, a Sachem. " What came they for F said I. He 
said he kuew not, for they talked secretly ; so I departed to another 
wigwam. Shortly after came the Sachem Waiandance to me and 
said, do you know what these came for ? " No," said I ; then he 
said, they say I must give no more wampum to the English, for they 
are no Sachems, nor none of their children shall be in their place if 
they die ; and they have no tribute given them ; there is but one 
king in England, who is over them all, and if you would send him 
100,000 fathom of wampum, he would not give you a knife for it, nor 
thank you. And I said to them, Then they will come and kill us 
all, as they did the Pequits ; then they said, no, the Pequits gave 
them wampum and beaver, which they loved so well, but they sent 



LION GARDINER. 29 

it them again, and killed them because they had killed an English- 
man ; but you have killed none, therefore give them nothing. Now 
friend, tell me what I shall say to them, for one of them is a great 
man. Then said I, " tell them that you must go first to the farther 
end of Long-Island, and speak with all the rest, and a month hence 
you will give them an answer. Mean time you may go to Mr. Haines, 
and he will tell you what to do, and I will write all this now in my book 
that I have here ;" and so he did, and the Narragansets departed, and 
this Sachem came to me at my house, and I wrote this matter to Mr. 
Haines, and he went up with Mr. Haines, who forbid him to give 
anything to the Narraganset, and writ to me so.— And when they 
came again they came by my Island, and I knew them to be the 
same men ; and I told them they might go home again, and I gave 
them Mr. Haynes his letter for Mr. Williams to read to the Sachem. 
So they returned back again, for I had said to them, that if they 
would go to Mantacut I would go likewise with them, and that Long- 
Island must not give wampum to Narraganset. 

A while after this came Miantenomie from Block-Island to Man- 
tacut with a troop of men, Waiandance being not at home ; and 
instead of receiving presents, which they used to do in their progress, 
he gave them gifts, calling them, " brethren and friends ; for so are 
we all Indians as the English are, and say brother to one another ; 
so must we be one as they are, otherwise we shall be all gone shortly, 
for you know our fathers had plenty of deer and skins, our plains 
were full of deer, as also our woods, and of turkies, and our coves 
full of fish and fowl. But these English having gotten our land, 
they with scythes cut down the grass, and with axes felled the trees ; 
their cows and horses eat the grass, and their hogs spoil our clam 
banks, and we shall all be starved ; therefore it is best for you to do 
as we, for we are all the sachems from east to west, both Mououa- 
kues and Mowhauks joining with us, and we are all resolved to fall 
upon them all, at one appointed day; and therefore I am come to 
you privately first, because you can persuade the Indians- and Sa- 
chem to what you will, and I will send over fifty Indians to Block- 
Island, and thirty to you from thence, and take an hundred of South- 
ampton Indians with an hundred of your own here ; and when you 
see the three fires that will be made forty days hence, in a clear 



30 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

night ; then do as we, and the next day fall on and kill men women, 
and children, but no cows, for they will serve to eat till our deer be 
increased again." And our old men thought it was well. 

So the Sachem came home and had but little talk with them, yet 
he was told there had been a secret consultation between the old men 
and Miantenomie, but they told him nothing in three days. So he 
came over to me and acquainted with the manner of the Narragansets 
being there with his men, and asked me what I thought of it ; and I 
told him that the Narraganset Sachem was naught to talk with his 
men secretly in his absence, and bid him go home, and told him a 
way how he might know all, and then he should come and tell me ; 
and so he did, and found all out as is above written, and I sent intel- 
ligence of it over to Mr. Haynes and Mr. Eaton ; but because my 
boat was gone from home it was fifteen days before they had any 
letter, and Miantenomie was gotten home before they had the news 
of it. And the old men, when they saw how I and the Sachem had 
beguiled them, and that he was come over to me, they sent secretly 
a canoe over, in a moon-shine night, to Narraganset to tell them all 
was discovered ; so the plot failed, blessed be God, and the plotter, 
next spring after, did as Ahab did at Ramoth-Gilead. — So he to Mo- 
hegin, and there had his fall. 

Two years after this, Ninechrat sent over a captain of his, who 
acted in every point as the former ; him the Sachem took and bound 
and brought him to me, and I wrote the same to Governor Eaton, 
and sent an Indian that was my servant, and had lived four years 
with me ; him, with nine more, I sent to carry him to New-Haven, 
and gave them food for ten days. But the wind hindered them at 
Plum-Island ; then they went to Shelter-Island, where the old Sachem 
dwelt — "VVaiandance's elder brother, and in the night they let him 
go, only my letter they sent to New-Haven, and thus these two plots 
was discovered ; but now my friend and brother is gone, who will 
now do the like ( 

But if the premises be not sufficient to prove Waiandance a true 
friend to the English, for some may say he did all this out of malice 
to the Pequits and Narragansets ; now I shall prove the like with 
respect to the Long-Islanders, his own men. For I being at Meanta- 
cut, it happened that for an old grudge of a Pequit, who was put to 



LION GARDINER. 31 

death at Southampton, being known to be a murderer, and for this 
his friends bear spite against the English. So as it came to pass at 
that day I was at Mantacut, a good honest woman was killed by 
•them at Southampton, but it was not known then who did this mur- 
der. And the brother of this Sachem was Shinacock Sachem could or 
would not find it out. At that time Mr. Gosmore and Mr. Howell, 
being magistrates, sent an Indian to fetch the Sachem thither ; and 
it being in the night, I was laid down when he came, and being a 
great cry amongst them, upon which all the men gathered together, 
and the story being told, all of them said the Sachem should not go, 
for, said they, they will either bind you or kill you, and then us, both 
men, women, and children; therefore let your brother find it out, or 
let them kill you and us, we will live and die together. So there 
was a great silence for a while, and then the Sachem said, now you 
have all done I will hear what my friend will say, for he knows what 
they will do. So they wakened me as they thought, but I was not 
asleep, and told me the story, but I made strange of the matter, and 
said, " If the magistrates have sent for you why do you not go ? " 
They will bind me or kill me, saith he. " I think so," said I, " if 
you have killed the woman, or known of it, and did not reveal it ; 
but you were here and did it not. But was any of your Mantauket 
Indians there to-day ? " They all answered, not a man these two 
days, for we have inquired concerning that already. Then said I, 
" did none of you ever hear any Indian say he would kill English ? " 
No, said they all; then I said, " I shall not go home 'till to-morrow, 
though I thought to have been gone so soon as the moon was up, but 
I will stay here till you all know it is well with your Sachem ; if 
they bind him, bind me, and if they kill him, kill me. But then you 
must find out him that did the murder, and all that knoAv of it, them 
they will have and no more." Then they with a great cry thanked 
me. and I wrote a small note with the Sachem, that they should not 
stay him long in their houses, but let him eat and drink and be gone, 
for he had his way before him. So they did, and that night he found 
out four that were consenters to it, and knew of it, and brought them 
to them at Southampton, and they were all hanged at Harford, 
whereof one of these was a great man among them, commonly called 
the Blue Sachem. 



32 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

A further instance of his faithfulness is this ; about the Pequit 
war time one William Hainman of the Bay, killed by a giant-like 
Indian towards the Dutch. I heard of it, and told Waianclance that 
he must kill him or bring him to me, but he said it was not his 
brother's mind, and he is the great Sachem of all Long-Island, like- 
wise the Indian is a mighty great man, and no man durst meddle 
with him, and hath many friends. So this rested until he had killed 
another, one Thomas Farrington. After this the old Sachem died. 
and I spake to this Sachem again about it, and he answered, He is 
so cunning that when he hears that I come that way a hunting, that 
his friends tell him, and then he is gone. — But I will go at some time 
when nobody knows of it, and then I will kill him ; and so he did — 
and this was the last act which he did for us, for in the time of a 
great mortality among them he died, but it was by, poison ; also two 
thirds of the Indians upon Long-Island died, else the Narragansets 
had not made such havoc here as the}' have, and might not help 
them. 

And this I have written chiefly for our own good, that we might 
consider what danger we are all in, and also to declare to the country 
that we had found an heathen, yea an Indian, in this respect to 
parallel the Jewish Mordecai. But now I am at a stand, for all we 
English would be thought and called Christians ; yet though I have 
seen this before spoken, having been these tweuty-four years in the 
mouth of the premises, yet I know not where to find, or whose name 
to insert, to parallel Ahasuerus lying on his bed and could not sleep. 
and called for the Chronicles to be read ; and when he heard Mor- 
decai named, said, What hath been done for him ? But who will say 
as he said, or do answerable to what he did? But our New-Eng- 
land twelve-penny Chronicle is stuffed with a catalogue of the names 
of some, as if they had deserved immortal fame ; but the right New- 
England military worthies are left out for want of room, as Maj. 
Mason, Capt. Undrill Lieut. Sielly, &c, who undertook the desperate 
way and design to Mistick Fort, and killed three hundred, burnt the 
fort and took many prisoners, though they are not once named. 
But honest Abraham thought it no shame to name the confederates 
that helped him to war when he redeemed his brother Lot ; but 
Uncas of Mistick, and Waiandance, at the Great Swamp and ever 



LION GARDINER. 33 

since your trusty friend, is forgotten, and for our sakes persecuted 
to this day with fire and sword, and Ahasuerus of New-England is 
still asleep, and if there be any like to Ahasuerus, let him remember 
what glory to God and honor to our nation hath followed their wisdom 
and valor. 

Awake ! awake Ahasuerus, if there be any need of thy seed or 
spirit here, and let not Hainan destroy us as he hath done our Mor- 
decai! And although there hath been much blood shed here in 
these parts among us, God and we know it came not by us. But if 
all must drink of this cup that is threatened, then shortly the king 
Sheshack shall drink last, and tremble and fall when our pain will 
be past. 

that I were in the countries again, that in their but twelve years 
truce, repaired cities and towns, made strong forts and prepared all 
things needful against a time of war like Solomon. I think the soil 
hath almost infected me, but what they or our enemies will do here- 
after I know not. I hope I shall not live so long to hear or see it 
for I am old and out of date, else I might be in fear to see and hear 
that I think ere long will come upon us. 

Thus for our tragical story, now to the comedy. When we were 
all at supper in the great hall, they the Pequits gave us alarm to 
draw us out three times before we could finish our short supper, for 
we had but little to eat, but you know that I would not go out ; the 
reasons you know. 2nclly. You Robert Chapman, you know that 
when you and John Bagley were beating samp at the Garden Pales, 
the sentinels called you to run in, for there was a number of Pequits 
creeping to you to catch you ; I hearing it went up to the redoubt 
and put two cross-bar shot into the two guns that lay above, and 
levelled them at the trees in the middle of the limbs and boughs, 
and gave order to John Frend and his man to stand with hand-spikes 
to turn them this or that way, as they should hear the Indians shout, 
for they should know my shout from theirs for it should be very 
short. Then I called six men and the dogs, and went out, running to 
the place, and keeping all abreast, in sight, close together. And 
when I saw my time, I said, stand ! and called all to me saying, look 
on me ; and when I hold up my hand, then shout as loud as you can, 
and when I hold down my hand, then leave ; and so they did. Then 



34 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

the Indians began a long sliont, and then went off the two great guns 
and tore the limbs of the trees about their ears, so that divers of 
them were hurt, as may yet appear, for you told me when I was up 
at Harford this present year, '60, iu the month of September, that 
there is one of them lyeth above Harford, that is fain to creep on all 
four, and we shouted once or twice more ; but they would not answer 
us again, so we returned home laughing. 

Another pretty prank we had with three great doors of ten feet 
long and four feet broad, being bored full of holes and driven full 
of long nails, as sharp as awl blades, sharpened by Thomas Hurl- 
but. — These we placed in certain places where they should come, 
fearing least they should come in the night and fire our redoubt and 
battery, or all the place, for we had seen their footing, where they 
had been in the night, when they shot at our sentinels, but could not 
hit them for the boards ; and in a dry time and a dark night they 
came as they did before, and found the way a little too sharp for 
them ; and as they skipped from one they trod upon another, and 
left the nails and doors dyed with their blood, which you know we 
saw the next morning laughing at it. 

And this I write that young men may learn, if they should meet 
with such trials as we met with there, and have not opportunity to 
cut off their enemies ; yet they may, with such pretty pranks, pre- 
serve themselves from danger, — for policy is needful in wars as well 
as strength. 



LION GARDINER. 35 

CHAPTER III. 
LETTERS TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

The discovery of manuscripts in the handwriting of Lion Gardiner was a great surprise to his descendants 
and to students of our early colonial history. They appear to have been brought forth by unexpected hands 
from unexpected places. His " Kelation of the Pequot Wars," first published in 1S33, and his "Letters to 
John Winthrop, Jr.," first published in 1S65, were found in the custody of strangers, yet rightfully possessed ; 
having escaped fire and flood and avoided every other hazard for periods varying from one hundred and fifty- 
eight to two hundred and twenty-four years. The letters contained in this chapter are a part of the collec- 
tion which have been published, from time to time, by the Massachusetts Historical Society under the 
designation of '■ Winthrop Papers " —being of amass of manuscripts preserved for many generations by the 
"Wiutbrop family of New London. Many of the letters of this collection bear dates from the earliest settle- 
ments in New England, and quite a number were written by eminent persons. The discovery of these 
manuscripts was made at the Winthrop residence on Fisher's Island in Long Island Sound in 1S60; a large 
and valuable island which was first purchased by John Winthrop, Jr., in IGM. It seems the existence ot 
this collection was wholly unknown to the present generations; and the finding of them was unexpected ; many 
of them were apparently in the same condition as when originally filed. As usual the historical society have 
printed these letters without corrections; and, consequently, the irregular orthography used by our ances- 
tors in their carelessly written private letters, is made to appear as if on exhibition. The "Winthrop Papers " 
are invaluable to the student of New England affairs, aud will be found in the Mass. Hist Coll., Vols. VI and 
VII, 4th series, and I and VIII, 5th series. 

[From the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. VII, tth Series, 52-65.] 

LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To the Worsliipfull Mr. John WintJirope Junior Esquire at Bos- 
towne in the bay these present. 

Worshipfull Sir, — I have received your letter, whearein I doe 
vnderstand that you are not like to returne, and accordinge to your 
order I have sent your servaunts Robeart and Sara. I wonder that 
you did not write to me, but it is noe wonder, seeing that since your 
and Mr. Phenix departure, there hath beene noe provision sent, but, 
one the contrary, people to eate vp that small, now noe store, that 
wee had. Heare hath come many vessells with provision, to goe vp 
to the plantations, but none for vs. It seemes that wee have neather 
masters nor owners, but are left like soe many servaunts whose 
masters are willinge to be quitt of them ; but now to late I wish that 
I had putt my thoughts in practice, that was to stay and take all 
such provisions out of the vessells, as was sufficent for a yeare ; 
summer goods God's good providence hath not onely brought, but 
allso stayed, but if the could have gone, I did intent to have taken 



36 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

all the victualls out, and kept them for owre necesitie; and seeinge 
that you, Mr. Peeters, and Phenwicke knowes that it was agaynst my 
minde to send the Pequitts present agayne, and I with theas few men 
are, by your wills and likeings, pat into a warlike condicion, there 
shall he noe cause to complayne of our ffidelitie and indeavours to 
you ward, and if I see that there he not such care for vs that owr 
lives may be preserved, then must I be fforced to shift as the Lord 
shall direct. I wish that it may be for God's glory and all your 
credits and proffitts. Heare is not 5 shillings of money and noe 
bevor. The Dutch man will bringe vs some corne and rye, but we 
have noe thinge to pay him for it. Mr. Pinchin, had a bill to receive 
all the wampampeige we had ; we have not soe much as will pay for 
the mendinge of our ould boate. I have sent your cowes vp to the 
plantations with 2 oxen ; 2 of them we have killed and eaten, with 
the goates: a ramm goate was brought from the Manatos, but the 
enemie gott him and all the greate swine, 22, in one day, and had 
gotten all the sheep and cowes likewise, had we not sallid out. It 
was one of the Saboath day, and there was 4 men with the cowes 
with nerlocks. For the sheep, I have kept them thus longe, and 
when the pinches comes downe I hope the will bringe hay for them 
for I haue not hay for them to eate by the way, if I should sent them 
to the bay ; but now for our present condicion ; since Mr. Phenwicke 
is gone for England, I hope you will not be fforgettfull of vs, and I 
thinke if you had not beene gone away and he had not come, we 
had not as yet beene at warrs with the Indians vppon such tearmes ; 
they vp the river when I sent to them how it stood with vs, & in 
what need we weare, did jeare or mock vs, but time and patience 
will shew the efect of it. I heare that the Bachelor is to bringe vs 
provision, I pray you forgett vs not when shee comes from the Ber- 
mudas with some potates, for heare hath beene some Virginians that 
hath taught vs to plant them after a nother way, and I have put it 
in practise, and found it good. I pray you when you pay or recken 
with the owners of the pincke which brought the gunns heather, to 
shorten them for 3 weekes time and diet, for Sergant Tilley for pilat- 
einge the pincke vp with the cowes. I have, instead of your man 
Robert, hired Azarias for 20 shillings per moneth, or else I should not 
have let him come away. Heare is 2 men and ther wifes come from 



LION GARDINER. 37 

the Dutch plantation, a tayler and a shipp write, and I sett them 
boath to worke, but I have neather money nor victnalls to pay them. 
I doe intend to sett the Dutch man to worke to make a Dutch smacke 
sayle, which shall carry 30 or 40 tun of goods, and not draw 3 foote 
and a halfe of water, principally to tranceport goods and passengers 
vp the river in safety. I pray lett us not want money or victnalls, 
that some things may goe forward. Mr. Peeter sayd when he was 
heare that I should sell victnalls to John Nott, Richard Graves, and 
them that came from the Dutch plantation, out of that little we 
had, and if all fayled he would supply vs with more, and fish like 
wise, to sell, but we have neather fish nor flesh to sell for others nor 
yet for [ourse] Ives. Your wisdome will vnderstancl the meaneinge 
of this writeinge. 

At the closing of this letter came the cetch from the Naragansets 
with corne, and I haue tacken one hondard buchils of it, be cans I 
do not know whether we shall haue anie relief or not. Sum. other 
small things of good-man Robbingson and John Charls I haue re- 
sauid, I pray yow fayl not to pay them. Thus with my loue to your 
selfe, your wife, ffather, mothar, and brethren, I reste yowrs 

to cumand 

Lion Gardiner. 

Saybroock, this 6 of Novem. 1636. 1636. 

We haue great cause of fear that William Quick with all the 
men & barke are taken by the Indians, coming downe the river ; the 
Hope & they came downe togither from Watertowne, & came togither 
20 mile. William Quick stayd there behind, & we fear went ashore 
a fowling. The Hope came in yesterday at noone, the wind hath 
been very faire to haue brought them downe ever since, & yet they 
are not come. We sadly fear the event : Pray for vs & consider, 
&c. &c. &c. 

Nov : 7, late at night. 

Immediately after the writing, this they came in dark night be- 
yond expectation : but I thinke it would be good if no vessels may 
be suffred to come, but the men knowne & fitted with armes suitable, 
charg'd not to goe ashore, for they venture not onely their owne lines 



38 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

but wrong others also. The Indians are many hundreds of both 
sides the riuer, & shoote at our pin aces as they goe vp & downe, for 
they firrnish the Indians with peeces, powder, & shot, & they come 
many times & shoot our owne pieces at vs, they haue 3 from vs, 
allready, 5 of Capt. Stones, one of Charles his, &c. Pardon our 
hast, &c. &c. 



LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To the Worshipfull Mr. John Winthrop, at Boston, Ipsidge, or ese 
'where, thes deliver. 

Worshipfull Sir, — These are to certyfie you how the Lord 
hath beene pleased to deale with vs this winter : it hath pleased 
him, of his goodnes and mercy, to give vs rest from the Indians all 
this winter, butt one the 22th of the last moneth I, with tenn men 
more with me, went abou [e] our neck of land to fire some small 
bushes and marshes, whear we thought the enimie might have lien 
in ambush, and aboute halfe amile from home we started 3 Indians, 
and havinge posibility to have cutt them short, we runinge to meett 
them, and to fire the marsh, but whylest our men was settinge it one 
fire, there rushed out of the woods, 2 severall wayes, a great com- 
pany of Indians, which though we gaue fire vppon them, yett they 
run one to the very mussells of our peices, and soe the shott 3 men 
downe in the place, and 3 more men shott that escaped, of which one 
died the sam[e] night; and if the Lord had not putt it into my 
mind to make the men draw ther swords, the had taken vs all aline, 
soe that sometime shouttinge and sometime retraightinge, keepinge 
them of with our sword [s,] we recovered a bayre place of ground, 
which this winter I had cleard for the same vse, and they durst not 
follow vs any further, because yt is vnder command of our great 
guns, of which I hope the have had some experience, as we heare by 
the relation of other Indians, and your friend Sacious and Nebott 
are the cheife actors of the treachery & villainy agaynst vs. As 
concerninge my sheep, which you writt to me of, I tooke order with 
Mr. Gibbins about them, but if he be not yett come home, I would 
intreat you that the may be kept with yours, untill you heare from 



LION GARDINER. 39 

him. Thus hopeinge that you will be a meanes to stirr vp our 
friends in the bay, out of there dead sleep of securytie, to think that 
your condicon may be as ours is, vnles some speedy course be taken, 
which must not be done by a few, but by a great company, for all 
the Indian[s] haue ther eyes fixed vppon vs, and this yeare the will 
all joyne with vs agaynst the Pequtt, and it is to be feared that the 
next year the will be agaynst vs. "We have vsed 2 sheets of your 
lead, which was in square JjL foote. I hay writ to the gouernour to 
pay you soe much agayne. I haue sent you your bead steed, and 
would haue made a better, butt time would not permit, for we watch 
every other night, neuer puttinge of our clothes, for the Indians show 
themselves in troupes aboutevs, every day, as this bearer can certyfie 
you more at large. Thus committinge you, your wife, father and 
mother, Mr. Peeter, and the rest of our friends, to God, I rest 
Your asured frend to command 

Lion G[a] rdiner. 
1636. 
Seabrooke this 23th of the first moneth, 1636. 

I mentioned that your lead was the one shiet 16 foot longe and 4 
brood, the other 10 longe 4 brodd. 

16 10 

4 4 

64 40 

40 

104 square foot. 
Indorsed by J. Winthrop, jun., " Leift Leon Gardiner : " 



LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To his much honored ffrend Mr. John Winthrop at Nameag, dd. 

Honored Sir,— I haue receiued yours by the Duchman, with the 
newes, for the which I humbly thanke you. I sent you a bush ell of 
hay seeds by Dauid Provost, a Duchman ; if you thinke that it 
will proue and sute your ground, you may haue more, if you please. 



40 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

I lieare you haue gotten slieepe : if you haue not a compleat English 
rame for them, I can lett j t ou haue one which will bee a great ad- 
vantage to you. This bearers, being our frencls, desired, me to write 
to you that thay might leaue their canow with you in safty, whilst 
thay goe to Mohegan, which I desier, and you shall command me as 
much in the like respect. I pray remember me to your wife and 
sister. Soe I rest 

Lion Gardiner. 

Wight, this 14th Aprill, 1649. 

Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Leift : Gardiner, Reed. Apr : 16 : " 



LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To the worthyly Hormorid met. John Wtliorp at his hows at Peqicit, 
theas present. 

1650, FROM the Ile of Wight, Aprill 27. 

Honnorid See, — I resavid yours by the Iudiau, with the hay seed, 
for which I kindly thanke yow ; and for the cows that I have to sell, 
yow may have them. Thay ar ten, 5 on thier second or 3d califf, 5 
heifers redi to calve. It' yow will have all, when their calves ar 
wenid, yow may, or 5 now, the rest ten weeks hence, for hftie pound, 
in good marckantabl wampem, bever, or silver ; but if yow wil have 
them now, before the hefers have calvid, then I wil keep the 5 first 
calves, and their price is 55H. If my ocations wear not great, I 
wowld not sel so m of them for SU. a peece. As consarning the yong 
man j^ow writ of, this is our determination : not to have aboue 12 
fafmilies, and wee know that we may pay as much as 24 in othar 
plasis, by reson of the fruitfulnes of our ground, and by reson that 
we ar to be but few, we ar resolvid not to resave anie, but such as 
ar tit for Cherch estate, being rethar wiling to part with sum of 
theas hear, then to resave more without good tesrimonie. Att pres- 
ent wee ar willing to giue this man you writ of 20U. a year, with such 
diat as I myself eat, til we see what the Lord will do with vs : and 
being he is but a yong man, hapily he hath not manie books, thear- 
fore let him know what I have. First, the 3 Books of Martters, 



LION GARDINER. 41 

Erasmus, moste of Perkins, Wilsons Dixtionare, a large Concordiance, 
Mayor on the New T[e]stement ; some of theas, witli otliar that I 
have, may be vcefull to him. I pray you, for the Lord sake, do 
what you can to get him hathar, and as I am ingagid to you allredie, 
so shall I be more 

Yours to comand in the Lord, 

Lion Gardener. 

I pray you send me word speedily about the cows, for els I must 
dispoes of them othar ways. 



LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To the worthyly honnored John Winthorp Esquire, at Peqwit, theis 

present. 
Honnorid Ser,— My loue and sarvis bing remembrid to yow and 
al yours, ar theas to intreat yow to send me word whethar thear be 
anie hope of the man of Sitient, whome yow writt to me of; if not 
him, whethar yow hear of anie othar that might serue vs. I pray 
yow consider our conditon, and though wee might be forgit of yow 
loue and care for vs, yet the Lord wil not, whoes caws it is. Thus, 
in haste, I comit yow to the protextion of him that watchith over 

Israeli, and rest 

Yours by his help, 

Lion Gardener. 

Wight, this 10th Agust, 1650. 

Indorsed by John Winthrop, jim., " Leift : Gardener." 



LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

From the Ile of Wight, this 22th of November, 1651. 
Honnored Sir, — My loue and sarvice being remembrid to you 
and yours, ar theas to let you know that 1 am myndid sudenly to 
sell 20 or 30 pounds worth of sheep, and having this opertunitie, I 



42 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

thought to profer them to yow, knowing that thay ar of a better 
kinde then yours ar, espeshally if yow think tit to take a ram or 2 
of mine, & sarve your other sheep with them, but that at your owne 
choys. Now if yow pleas to haue them, the pay that I desj-ar for 
them is marchantable wampem, or buttar at the ordenarie price, 6 
pence a lb., the wampem to be payd to Martin Cruyer, the Duch 
man, when he cums in the s[p]rihg to Goodman Stanton, or buter to 
him when lie thinks fit to fetch it ; but if you minde not to have 
them, then, let Goodman Stanton have the next profer, and let me 
have a flat yea or nay by this bearar, Goodman Bond. Thus in 
haste, I rest 

Yours to be comandid, 

Lion Gardener. 

Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Lt. Gardiner." 



LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To his worthily honored John Winter, Esq. at his house in Pequit, 
these present. 
Ffrom the Ileaweight, this 21 Ffebruary, 1651. 
Honered Sir, — My loue and seruice being remembred to you 
and yours, hoping of your health, as we are all at present, God be 
praysed ; these are to let you know that all yours sheepe ewes which 
were marked for you, according to your order, by goodman Bond, 
on Saturday last were all well and in good case, and we looke for 
lambes the begginning of March, therefore you may order it as you 
see good, for the fetching of them away. I desire that you would 
satisfie Captaine Cryar with 30 pound of good wampom, for I haue 
depended upon it, and, if there be any oppertunity, I pray you to 
send me ten or twenty bushells of Indian meale, and I shall returne 
you, either barly, molt, or wampom. I should intreat you that these 
bags of wheat that I now send may be returned the first oppertunity, 
for we are in want of meale. Thus hoping to see you heere when 
you fetch the sheepe, I committing [sic] you to the Lord and rest 

Yours by his helpe, 

Lion Gardener. 

Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Leift. Gardiner, wherein his order for the 
payment of 30//. to Mr. Creiger." 



LION GARDINER. 43 

LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To the worthyly Honord John [ Winthrop'] Esqr. 

Honored Sir, — I expected you heere the last weeke. The Mian- 
taquit Sachem told me, that you would come to fetch the slieepe, 
"but hauing this oppertunity, I sent these 3 bags more, that if you 
haue any corne, I desire you to fill my bags, and send them by 
Joseph Garlicke, and if you haue none, speake to Thomas Stanton 
to fill them ; and when you come for the sheepe we will make all 
strait on all sides. If there be any salt, I desire you to send me 2 
or 3 bushells : thus hoping to se you heere, I rest 

Yours to command, 



Lion Gardener. 



Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Mr. Lion Gardiner.' 



LION GXRDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

From the Ilb of Wight, this last of Febrewari, 1652. 
Honorid Ser, — My lone and sarvis being remembrid, ar theas to 
thank yon for the hay seeds you sent me. I sowid them then, and 
sum came up. I have sent yon a rariti of seeds which came from 
the Mouhaks, which is a kinde of milions, but far exelith all othar. 
They ar as good as weat frowar to thikin milk, and swet as sugar, 
and bakid thay [are] most exelent, having no shell. You may keep 
them as long as anie pumkins. And whereas you formarly spake 
to me to get you sum shels, I have sent you nou by Goodman Garlick 
1200, and allso 32 sailings in good wampem, desyaring you, if pos- 
ible, to send me 2 or 3 bushils of sumar wheat that is clean, without 
smut for seed ; for I plowid not a foot of ground the last year, and 
now would fain sow sum that is clear of smut. I have one bagg 
with you still, and have sent 3 more, desiaiing to fill them with 
meall and no peas, and if you wil be pleasid to balance our small 
acounts, what is clew to you, I will send, or if yow wil take anie 
goods of Martin Cruyar, charge it on my acount, and I wil pay him, 



44 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

and if anie opertewniti aford, hearafter, you may send me meall at 
all times, and I shall be redie to make pay to your desiar. Thus 
hoping to see you shortly, I comit yow to the Lord, and rest, evar 

Yours, Lion Gardener. 

My wife desiarith Mistris Lake to get hur a dusen of trays, for 
shee hearith that thear is a good tray maker with you, and shee or 
will send him p ay, or let Martin Cruyar, if he lyke anie thing he 
brings. 

The shels cost me 30 shillings, the wampem in the bag, 32. 

Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., " Li : Gardiuer." 



LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To Ms worthyly lionnorid frind, John Winthorp, Esqu. tlieas pres- 
ent, Peqioit. 

Honnorid Ser, — My lone and sarvis being remembrid, artheas to 
let you know that I resayid the 2 bushils of Indian meall by Cap. 
Sibada, in your sak, and have sent in it 3 bushils of malt, and 4 
more in a sak of myne oune a and is all that I have at present. I 
thought to have sent yow sum barly to have maltid thear, becaws 
it is far better then the last year, but not knowing your minde, let 
it alone. I pray you send me what Indian meall yow can in the 
bags and emti barils, and what is in the bags and what in the barils 
a part. Conserning your sheep, thay ar all aly ve, and though I have 
lost a great manie lambs this year, and never lost anie. before, yet 
yours is a sofitient increas. Thus in haste, I rest yours to vce, 

Lion Gardener. 

Aprill 5, 1652. 

If you have no store of Indian, I pray you speak to Thomas 
Stanton, to send me 8 bushiles. 

Indorsed by John Winthrop, jun., "Leift. Gardiner." 



LION GARDINER. 45 



LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To the much honored Oouemor John WintTvrope alt Conetticutt, 

these dd. 

Honored Sir, — I liaue made bould to write vnto you a line ore to. 
So it is, that, by a neybour of yours it was propounded unto me the 
sale of my Hand, but I hauing children and children's children, am 
not minded to sell it att present ; butt I haue another plac, (I sup- 
pose) more convenient for the gentleman that would buy, liinge vpon 
Long Hand, betweene Huntington & Setokett : onely I thought good 
to make you acquainted with it, because I would not willingly be a 
means of bringing any into these parts, that would not like you and 
my ould freinds in this riner; and therefore, if you & Mr. Willis & 
Mr. Allen, Mr. Stone, & other of my freinds like nott the buisnes, I 
can yett stop. If it be thought he wilbe as cordiall to you as I haue 
beene & yet am, it shal be, otherwise not. So desiring, when you 
can haue opertunty, to lett me vnderstand your mind herein. I rest 
Yours in what duty and service I can, 

Lion Gardener . 

His name is Mr. Daniell Searle. 

Novemb. 5. 1660. 

Indorsed by John Winthrop, juri., "Lieft: Gardiner about sale of land vpon 
Long Hand betweene Huntington & Setuket, to the Governor of Barbados that 
then was, Mr. Serle." 



[From the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, I , otli Series, 3S5-7.] 
LION GARDINER TO JOHN WINTHROP, JR. 

To the loorthyly honored John Winthrope, Msquire, Gouerner of the 
jurisdiction of Connecticut, Hartforde, these prst. 

TMaech, 1659-60?] 

Eight "worthy & honered friend, M k Wintrop, — After my 
seruice presented, these few lines salute yow. These are to aquaint 
your worship that I receued your letter bearing date Desember the 



46 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

12, wherin your worship desired to know the ocation of my stoping 
a vesell, seiced by twoe of Capt Pennys saruants of North Sea, com- 
ing to ray Hand vpon ocation. I stopt her, vidz. the vesell, vpon 
complant of my naghbour. John Scot informed mee they had taken 
his vesell from of Ms own land, & that in the name of the Kinge of 
Portinggale, vsing no other name when they seiced her. Ypon this 
complant, I examened & found it acording to my. naghbours inform- 
ation, for these tow men, vidz. Grigis & Hause, owned they had 
neither commission nor coppie about them to act by, but sayd it 
was in one of ther chests, vidz. Grigis, abord a ship with his name 
in it, from the Portinggal imbasadore, which was ther master, & 
that they toke her one ther owne acount, & had no e relation to anny 
other, & that they would bring their commission within ten days or 
foriit 2 hundred ponds & set free the vesell & goods, pay all just 
damages to the ownere of the vesell & the owner of the goods, if 
they brought not ther commision acording to ther time aboue men- 
tioned. Then I gaue them 20 days time more then thay desiared, & 
this they did frely, without any compulsion, & thay weare noe pris- 
oners one my Ilande, but had giuen pasage with what help I could 
aford them to Long Hand by a conoue, & thay were bound joyntly 
& seuerely, & one of the parties returnd again to the ship to Oyster- 
bay, 12 days before ther bond was out, which is not aboue 70 miles 
distant from Sowthampton or North Sea, to which place thaye in- 
gaged to haue theyr Portinggale commission, & proue her pris by 
ther commision, or set her free & neuer lay claim to her; but they 
cam not acording to couenaut by 7 days, & when they cam brought 
noe commision with them, & then cam & demanded the vesell that 1 
had taken from them, as they were Capt Pennys seruants. My 
answer was, I never heard the name of Capt Penny ore the state of 
England. Soon after this ther com one George Lee, with a letter of 
aturney from Cap 1 Penny, & commenced an action against mee, lay- 
ing to my carge damege to the valie of 500 ponds. The Court saw 
cause not to meddle with the bisines, but bound mee.ouer to TIait - 
forde to your worships for trial, & to apear the 17" 1 of March, 1659" 
Vpon the fourfetour of 2 hundred ponds to George Lee," I being de- 
fectum by my not apearinge acording to time, and hee Avas ingaged 
in the sam sum set, he not apearing. The 17th of this instant, John 



LION GARDINER. 47 

Scot being their, hee tendered his bond or staning security to answer 
for George Lee, but that would not satisfye. I prefered to bee bound 
for him my self, but nothinge would satesfy but I was the man they 
amed at. Thus am I wronged by being exposed to a great danger, 
in regard of my age & great weaknes, & inforsed to com ouer in such 
a boat as by seamen, inhabitants of Saybrook, whoe serched the 
vesell, promised they would not haue crosed the Sound in her, as I 
had don, for all my estate. Thus is your pour seruant abused for 
doeing an act of justes. Thus with my serues to you & your wif 
remembered, I rest 

Your asured louing freind to command to my power, 

Lion Gardener, 



BIOGRAPHY. 



The battles, sieges, fortunes, I have passed.— Shakespeai-e . 



BIOGRAPHY. 



CHAPTER I. 
THE FAMILY NAME. 

To find out the true originall of surnames is full of difficul tie.— Camden. 

The name Gardiner (1) may be derived from two Saxon words, 
gar, signifying a weapon, dart, javelin, arms ; and dyn, signifying a 
sound, noise, alarm. Thus, Ed-gar signifies a happy weapon, liter- 
ally the peaceable ; Ethel-gar signifies a noble weapon, literally the 
magnanimous; Gar-far, a martial way, that is a military appear- 
ance; Gar-held, a martial place, that is a military encampment; 
Gar-dyn, a martial sound, that is a clashing of arms. The words 
Gar and dyn, with the English termination er, denoting the inhabi- 
tant of a place, make Gar-dyn-er. By an easy and natural transi- 
tion of the y in dyn to %, it makes Gabdinee. 

Again, the name may be derived from the same roots as Gair- 
din, which, in the Gaelic language, signifies an inclosed place, a 
beacon hill ; from Gair, an out-cry, and din, a hill, literally a fortifi- 
cation. Add to Gairdin the termination er and it makes Gairdin-er. 
The English pronounciation of Gairdiner would soon lead to drop- 
ping the i in the first syllable, which would make it Gaedinee. 

Again, the name may be derived from an occupation, the keeper 
of a garden, as Garden-er, which subsequently may have been 

(1) The materials for tins chapter have been mostly drawn from -'An Etymological Dictionary of Family 
Names." by William Arthur, M. A. His eldest son Chester A. Arthur, President of the United States, con- 
tributed the Introductory Essay, showing rare literary ability, and a marked degree of research and ingenu- 
ity, interspersed with humor, yet his name docs not appear in the work, being at the time of its publication 
a young lawyer in the city of New York. It is pertinent to our subject to remark that the tirst law firm 
formed by young Arthur was Messrs. Arthur & Gardiner, which was continued until dissolved by the death 
of his partner. Mr. Henry D. Gardiner, who was a descendant of Lion Gardiner.— C. O. G-. 



52 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 

changed from Gardener to Gardiner, that the occupation and the 
name of a person might be the more readily distinguished. (1) 

Camden's Reniaines, printed at London, 1614-, relates that a book 
had been written against Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, 
by a brother prelate, in which the supposed origin of Gardiner's 
name was sneeringly alluded to ; " at which time," Camden says, 
" wise was the man who told my Lord Bishop that his name was not 
Gardener, as the English pronounce it, but Gardmer, with the French 
accent, and therefore a gentleman.^ 

(1) The name Gardiner, Gardener and Gardner can be traced to a very early period in England. 

Emigrants of the name came to New England Willi the earliest Puritans. The Mayflower brought one, and 
others came a decade before Lion Gardiner. It cannot lie ascertained that any of f He early arrivals were 
related by the ties of consanguinity. The popular belief that the spelling of a family name indicates 
relationship is not well founded. Only authenticated records can be relied upon to make proof of pedi- 



Fac Simile of Signature and Seai.— From lie Collections of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, Vol. VII, 1th Series, Appendix. 



|fac Simile of ^iguatuvc and J&cal. 

Attached to letter dated Saybrooke, November (3th, 1636. 





Heraldic Description: Pelican Vnlning Herself. 



LION GARDINER, 1599-1663. 



THE PELICAN EST HERALDRY. 

C. C. G. 

HER ii.DRY.-The Pelican when represented in profile she isj'vulning herself," and when m 
full face on her nest feeding her young, she is "in her v ietj."-JEnc!jclopedia Brtianmca, Vol. XI, 

P ' 701 The Pelican is always represented with her wings endorsed, neck embower!, and picking her 
breast from which issue 'drops of hh<mi.-/ : :,ir,,rloi,aUa or Ileraldru. bu John burke, p AAll. 

The ' u ,g l'elican is led bv the rcgurgitaiod food of .is mother: hence arose the poetic idea 
of the ancients! that she nourished her young with her blood.- The American Cyclopedta,Xo\. VIII, 
p. 236. 



LION GABDLTSTER. 55 



CHAPTER II. 
THE FAMILY ARMS. 

Every man of the children of Israel shall pitch by his own standard, 
■with the ensign of their father's house.— Lumbers II, 2. 

The use of particular symbols by nations, families and individ- 
uals is very ancient. Heraldry is purely a feudal institution, and 
had its origin in the necessity of adopting some device to distin- 
guish persons concealed in armor in battles and at tournaments, 
which was gradually elaborated during the Crusades. The Nor- 
mans introduced it into England. As a system, bound by certain 
rules and forms, with technical nomenclature, it can be traced to the 
thirteenth century, when arms began to be displayed on coins, 
monumental brasses and tombs, and in architectural decorations, 
and on shields and surcoats. From their use on garments is derived 
the phrase " coat of arms." 

FEONTISPIECE. 

Arms— Argent a chevron between three buglehorus stringed gules. 
Crest— An arm in armor hand grasping the broken shaft of a lance. 

Our frontispiece represents a coat of arms which indicates great 
antiquity^tcTthe jfamily bearing them. The form of the shield and 
thT^dfapery^urrounding it have no heraldic significance. The 
Helmet shows the rank, and the emblems depicted on the Shield 
together with the figure representing the Crest, constitute the armo- 
rial insignia. The Chevron is one of the honorable " ordinaries " in 
heraldry, adopted from the bow of the ancient war saddle, which 
rose high in front. The Buglehorn is one of the important "charges" 
in heraldry. 

The word bugle is derived from the Latin bicculus, signifying 
an ox. The first bugles were probably formed from ox horns, and 
were brought into use by shepherds to call their flocks, by hunters 



56 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

to wind in tlie chase, and by warriors to signal for battle. The 
Crest was introduced subsequent to the first bearing of arms, and 
the ornament selected for it usually had reference to the act for 
which the honor was conferred. The arm is frequently employed as 
a figure of strength. A Crest represented by "an arm in armor 
hand grasping the broken shaft of a lance," indicates that it was 
worn by a warrior of great power, who was skilled in the use of the 
lance, and famed for disarming his opponent. 

THE FATHERS' AVERSION TO TITLES AND ARMS. 

The Fathers of New England established a government on the 
basis of equality, and consequently were averse to recognizing dis- 
tinctions of rank and hereditary titles and the appendages to them, 
including coats of arms which were looked upon as the finery of 
princes and bauble of the gentry; as impracticable, yet harmless 
things. Their aversion to rank and titles was transmitted to suc- 
ceeding generations,' and ultimately found expression in the text of 
our national constitution, which declares that no title of nobility 
shall be granted, and no person holding an office shall accept of a 
title from any foreign state. Their repugnance to coats of arms 
does not appear to have been of a very pronounced character, prob- 
ably because there were but few in the country, and none were 
ostentatiously displayed. 

Disuse, neglect and lapse of time have made it difficult to trace 
some of those which have been preserved to an undoubted ancestor 
who rightfully bore them. 

LION GARDINER'S FAMILY ARMS. 

It is believed that Lion Gardiner was descended from a family 
that had a coat of arms. The ground for this belief rests upon 
undoubted proof that he was a gentleman, as the term was applied 
to those having coats of arms and of the middle rank in England ; 
and, furthermore, upon the fact that his descendants have been in 



LION GARDINER. 



57 



possession of a coat of arms for many generations, bearing tlie 
tradition that they were our Gardiner Arms. 

There is no evidence showing that arms were ever borne by 
Lion Gardiner, nor by his son David Gardiner. Only a bible is 
claimed to have been handed down from Lion, and absolutely noth- 
ing is known to have come down from David. 

EARLIEST KNOWN DISPLAYS OF OUR GARDINER ARMS. 

The earliest known display of our Gardiner Arms were those 
placed on the tombstone of John Gardiner, the eldest grandson of 
Lion, and third proprietor. (1) That tombstone was erected in the 
old burying ground at New London, Ct., where it remains in a fair 
state of preservation. It consists of a plain brown stone slab, 
placed horizontally over the grave, and supported On stone pillars. 
Near the head of the slab there is a square piece of new slate-stone, 
imbedded and cemented in the top, on which is graven a strange 
coat of arms. Then follows the inscription. (2) 

(11 The arms displayed on this tomb, at tliat time, were unquestionably our Gardiner Arms for no other 
arms wen' known in tin'- lam.h inilil a later period This John ( inline, 's Will provides that he ''shall he 
decently buried, at the discretion of his executors." who were Xa thanicl llunttnii-' . ;'. .a lid V 1 ,,,! : ',',H • ''otliis 
.Jr., both of hast Hampton, L. I. As he died suddenly at New London, the probability is 1 hat 1 e pl.i ol his 
interment and the tomb, inscription and arms were agreed upon by the executors and the testator's fannlj .- 

(2) ARMS ON OLD SLATE-STONE, WITH INSCRIPTION. ARMS ON NEW SLATE-STONE, WITH INSCRIPTION. 




ERE LYETII BURIED YE BODY OF HIS EXCELLENCY 
JOHN GU'.DINER, THIRD LORD OF YE ISLE OF 
WIGHT. HE WAS BORN APRIL I9TH, 16(31, AND 
DEPARTED THIS LIFE JUNE 25TII, 1738. 



•RE LYETH BURIED YE BODY OF HIS EXCELLENCY 
JOHN GARDINER. THIRD LORD OF YE ISL1, , > • 
WIGHT. HE "AS BORN APRIL ltlTH, 1661, AND 
DEPARTED THIS LIFE JUNE 25TH, 1738. 



58 PAPERS aint> biography of 

At New London there is a well authenticated tradition concern- 
ing this tombstone, which runs this wise : " When first erected there 
was a piece of slate imbedded in the slab, occupying the same space 
which is now filled by the new slate, on which was graven the 
Gardiner Arms. Some time prior to the present century the old 
piece of slate was ruthlessly taken ont and carried away, and the 
vacant space was not occupied till filled by the new slate very 
recently." It is not known who removed the old slate, but, unques- 
tionably, kinsmen (?) directed the putting in of the new slate. 

At New London, Mrs. Coit, nee Brainard, wife of Hon. Robert 
Colt, (1) has in her possession the original Will of John Gardiner, 
third proprietor. Also a very old representation of our Gardiner 
Arms, painted in water colors on parchment ; showing a shield em- 
blazoned with the arms which with helmet, crest and mantlings 
are done with the proper metals and colors ; and the heraldic descrip- 
tion written underneath the shield, thus: "He beareth argent a 
chevron gules between three buglehorns stringed sable." The whole 
fabric being inclosed, under glass, in a gilded frame 14 by 18 inches, 
which hangs squarely against the wall. Mrs. Coit has a number of 
very old looking prints of the same arms taken on paper from copper- 
plate, which have the name John Gardiner engraved, in script, 
underneath the shield. 

The Will, and the painted arms, and the printed arms were all 
received by Mrs. Coit from her great aunt, Mary Gardiner, b. 1769, 
d. 1858, who never married, and who was a daughter of John Gardi- 
ner, the only son of Jonathan Gardiner, one of the sons of John 
Gardiner, third proprietor. 

The tradition concerning the painted arms is that they have 

(1) Mr. Robt. Coit graduated at Vale College, and is a lawyer, ami lias been Mayor of New London, 
Judge of Probate. Member of the House an. 1 of the Senate In the Legislature of Connecticut, and is one of the 
best known and inline ■nlial eitl/i i.s ,,f Xev, I.nilduii. lu.w ill bis lilt \ -li.iirt li year. His meat grandmother, on 
his father's side, was Man (iar.liner. b. 1711. .1. 1-21. :■ daughter ol Dal id Gardiner, win, was a s,.n tit David 

Gardiner, fourth proprietor she married Thomas Colt, M. !>.. b. 1725, d. i-n Mr- Robt. Goit's great 

grand 1 lie r. nil her la 1 her'- -i'h-. \\a- Sar.ib ( lanlinei . a daughter "1 John Gardiner, who Was Hie only son 

nf Jonathan Gardiner, a sen ,.f ,I,,lm Gardiln r. third proprietor. She married Judee .Jeremiah Gates Brain- 
ard. b. ITIill. d 1S30. a di-lim.-ui.hed citizen ol'Xew London. Mrs. Coifs father was a brother of Connecticut's 
highly gifted poet. John Gardiner Coit Brainard, b. 17Uli. d. 1S2S, who departed this life far too soou for his 



LION GARDINER. 59 

been handed down many generations ; from a period so remote that 
the name of the ancestor who bore them is not remembered. It has 
been the custom to speak of these painted arms as the original 
arms, implying thereby that they were the first of our arms known 
in this country, and from which copies had been taken. 

At the Gardiner's Island residence, Mr. J. Lyon Gardiner, 
twelfth proprietor, (1) has in his possession our Gardiner Arms 
embroidered on black satin, showing a shield emblazoned with the 
arms, which, with the helmet, crest and mantlings, are worked in 
the proper metals and colors. The material representing the face 
of the shield is silvered thread, while that representing the chevron 
and bnglehorns is black sewing silk; the helmet is made of golden 
thread on a light blue silk field, and the crest is of light blue and 
white silk, except the staff, which is of silvered thread. The 
whole fabric being inclosed under glass in a mahogany and gilt 
lozenge-shaped frame, 23 by 23 inches square, which hangs against 
the wall, over the parlor mantel. The island tradition (2) is 
that this piece of needlework was executed by a daughter of 
David Gardiner, fourth proprietor, while she was attending school 
in Boston. The fourth proprietor had three daughters, and the ad- 
vanced school age of either of them occurred after 1730. Also, a 
number of small prints, of the same arms, taken on paper from 
copper-plate, which were engraved and printed under the direction 
of John Lyon Gardiner, seventh proprietor, and by him pasted on 
the front covers of the books in his library. These prints are a 
near fac simile of the prints in the possession of Mrs. Coit, at 

(II Mr. J. Lvon Gardiner, twelfth proprietor, purchased the island of his brother, Mr. David J , 

late eleventh proprietor, who a.- -.-.I il ).v (In- will ..l his lalli.-c. the late Samuel B., tenth proprietor. A 

Notice of Gardiner's Island will be fottud in the succeeding chapter.— C. V. G. 

Island. August 9th and 10th. 1S55, I met Mr; 



named Marvwho man-led Samm-l, the son of~Rov. Xalhaniel llnnltln^ of East Hampton 
n be. thai Alio was the accomplished maid.-n who embroidered the honored heir-loom, and 
nd of her own choice .— C. C. &. 



60 



PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 



New London. Also, within the family biuying ground, the same 
arms, graven on the tombstones of the fifth, sixth and seventh 
proprietors. (1) 

At Middletown, Ct,, Rev. Thos. W. Coit, D. D. ; (2) has in his pos- 



0) Within the family burying ground at Gardi- 
;t\- Island there are four tombstones which have 
iseriptions with arms graven on them, namely: 

FOURTH PROPRIETOR. 

INSCRIPTION AND ARMS ON A BROWN STONE 




1111 



LIFE JULY 4. 1751. IN THE 01ST 



Note. 

The heraldic reading of the above arms are very 
like the arms of Richard Gardiner, D. D., third 
Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, who died Decem- 
ber 20, l'>70, aged 7?, which read thus: Sable a 
chevron between two griffins heads erased iu chief 
and a cross patee iu basse or. Vide "Wood's Athena 1 
Oxonienses, Vol. III. p. 690. 

The distinguished Canon who bore these arms 
was born in Hereford. Herefordshire, and his 
remains are buried in Christ Church Cathedral, 
Oxford, where there is a Latin epitaph reciting 
his many virtues. "Was lie a relative of Lion 
Gardiner? There is no proof.— C. C. G. 




IN MEMORY QY Jit UN G A KM NEK. ESQ.. OF THE ILE 
OF WIGHT, WHO DEPARTED THIS LIFE MAY THE 
19TH. A. D. 1764, IN THE jOTH YEAR OF HIS AGE. 




HERE LIE> THE RODY OF DAVID GARDINKR, ESQ.. 
OF THE ILE OF WIGHT. WHO DEPARTED THIS 
LIFE SEPTEMBER STH, 1774. IN THE 36TU YEAR OF 
HIS AGE. 

SEVENTH PROPRIETOR. 

INSCRIPTION AND CREST ON A WHITE MARBLE 
MONUMENT. 




READER, 
BENEATH THIS MARBLE ARE DEPOSITED THE 
REMAINS OF JOHN L. GARDINER. ESQ., THE 
SEVENTH PROPRIETOR OF GARDINER'S ISLAND. 
BORN. NOVEMBER 8TH, 1770. DIED. NOVEMBER 
22ND. IS16. 



2 Th. 



I Wii 



i American clergv i 
e College in 1X21. 1 
. in 183-1. Sin.-,- 
ong the foremost < 
' its doctrines and ] 



i iu Xl 


w London, 




ofTransvl- 








and is the 


. \ ol. 


V. p. 33. 



LION GARDINER. 61 

session our Gardiner Arms quartered with the Coit Arms, embroidered 
on black satin ; the Gardiner Arms occupying- the dexter chief and 
sinister base ; the shield, showing the quartered arms, crest, mant- 
lings and motto, worked in the proper metals and colors ; the whole 
fabric being inclosed in a lozenge-shaped frame, 22 by 22 inches 
square, which hangs against the Avail. The Crest belongs to the 
Gardiner Arms, and the Motto, "Virtus sola nobilitas, to the Coit Arms. 
Dr. Coit states that these arms were the handwork of his grand- 
mother, Mary Gardiner, b. 1744, d. 1824, the wife of Thos. Coit, M. D., 
b. 1725, d. 1811, and a daughter of David Gardiner, one of the sons 
of David Gardiner, fourth proprietor. The work was executed when 
his grandmother was quite young, and he has a clear recollection of 
seeing the arms when a child, during the lifetime of his grandmother, 
while in the possession of his uncle, Jonathan Coit, and still later in 
the possession of his unmarried sister, Mary G. Coit, from whose 
effects he procured them by purchase. 

THE EDITOR'S CONCLUSIONS. 

Our iirst inquiry will be directed to the evidence introduced into 
this chapter bearing respectively upon the two different representa- 
tions of arms shown. 

First, The Arms which read, " Sable a chevron between two 
griffins heads erased in chief and a cross forme'e in base or," are dis- 
played on the tombstone of David Gardiner, fourth proprietor, at 
Gardiner's Island ; and now on the tombstone of John Gardiner, 
third proprietor, at New London. These arms bear no tradition and 
have no record, and no one has ever been able to explain why they 
were placed on the tomb of a descendant of Lion Gardiner. 

Second, The Arms which read, "Argent a chevron between three 
bugiehorns stringed gules. Crest, an arm in armor hand grasping the 
broken shaft of a lance," are those which were sd, first displayed on the 
tombstone of John Gardiner, third proprietor, at New London ; and 
on the painted and printed representations in the possession of 



62 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

Mr. and Mrs. Coit at New London; and on the embroidered and 
printed representations in the possession of Mr. J. Lyon Gardiner, 
twelfth proprietor, at Gardiner's Island ; and on the tombstones of 
the fifth, sixth and seventh proprietors, at Gardiner's Island ; and on 
the embroidered representation in the possession of Dr. Coit, at 
Middletown. These arms bear with them many concurring tradi- 
tions of the most authentic character. (1) 

In our opinion the most ancient of the several representations 
of arms, referred to in this chapter, are the painted and the printed 
displays in the possession of Mr. and Mrs. Coit at New London, 
which, we think, were once the property of John Gardiner, third 
proprietor. This belief is founded partly on conjectures and 
partly on the fact that the displays, themselves, appear to be of 
great age ; but chiefly because the Will of the said John Gardiner 
and the Arms mentioned have been handed down together, as 
companion pieces, so to speak. 

The next oldest display are the embroidered arms at Gardiner's 
Island ; and the next, the embroidered arms at Middletown : and 
the last, the prints taken from copper-plate, which were executed 
under the direction of John Lyon Gardiner, seventh proprietor, as 
our Gardiner Arms. Our frontispiece is a fac simile of one of those 
prints. (2) 

The Encyclopedia of Heraldry, Or General Armory of Eng- 
land, Scotland and Ireland, by John Burke, contains a registry 
of armorial bearings from the earliest time. In this work the 
name Gardiner has twenty-three separate and distinct registra- 
tions ; the name Gardener has eight; the name Gardner has 



embroidered arms, eun.-id'erulify faded.' .-'how ],..tli the chevron and biiglehorns 'sable.— (3. eve! 

J i (in my visit to Gardiner's Maud, Mr. Samuel B. Gardiner presented to me one of tlie small prints 
of arms tbat were executed by tile direction of bis father, which I still possess. The fact that John l.von, 
seventh proprietor, ordered a copper-plate cneraviiie representing our Gardiner Arms, shows verv point- 
edly that he took no notice of the graven symbols on the tomb of the fourth proprietor.— C. (J. tt. ' 



LION GARDINER. 63 

twenty-two ; the name Gardenar lias one ; the name Gardinor 
has one. Total, fifty-five. The description of our Gardiner Arms 
is not like either of the above fifty-five registrations. Several 
of them have the chevron between three buglehorns stringed, 
some with and some without crests, but our distinctive crest does 
not appear. Though our Gardiner Arms were identical with a 
registry at the College of Arms, it would still be difficult to 
claim them, by right of inheritance, without first establishing a 
pedigree from an undoubted ancestor, who bore them. 

In our country, when it is ascertained that a coat of arms 
cannot be found in the registers of heralds, the defect is not 
considered as necessarily fatal to their legitimacy, provided there 
is proof to show they have been perpetuated, by the family 
claiming them, from a remote period. 

Our old families usually hold these ancient ensigns as heir- 
looms, like old furniture, paintings, plate, books and other relics 
of the household, rather than as badges boastful of ancestral pride. 

lion Gardiner's signature and a seal. 
Personal seals were used before and after the introduction of 
armorial bearings in England. (1) Very probably Lion Gardiner had 
a private seal which he used for stamping letters and instruments 
in writing, as was customary with gentlemen. He may have used 
the crest of his family arms for a seal ? There is a fac simile of his 
signature and of a seal attached to a certain letter of his, dated at 
Saybrooke, November 6th, 1636, addressed to John Winthrop, Jr., 
which can be found in the Appendix of Vol. VII, Fourth Series 
Massachusetts Historical Society Collections ; and upon a leaf 
fronting the first page of this chapter. Unfortunately there is no 
proof showing that this particular seal was the property of Lion 
Gardiner. The mere fact that an impression of it was found 

(1) The old common law definition of a seal is that given by Lord Coke: Sigillum est eera impressa. 



64 PAPERS AND BIOGKAPHY OF 

stamped in wax on one of his letters does not establish any own- 
ership. Within the Appendix of the volume mentioned, as con- 
taining the fac simile of his signature and seal, there are fourteen 
other signatures, of his contemporaries, which show two different 
seals to each name ; also three other signatures which show three 
different seals to each name ; and two other signatures which show 
the same seal to each name ; and many signatures without seals. 
Therefore the presumption that either of the writers, of signatures 
referred to, stamped their letters with their own seals, cannot he 
sustained without extraneous proof. 




'F~M^ 



?1,UM/. mi 

/v — ^p ^ %, 




LION GARDINER. 67 

CHAPTER III. 
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF LION GARDINER. 

We would speak first of the Puritans, the most remarkable body of men, perhaps, which the world has 
ever produced. * * * Those who aroused the people to resistance— who directed their measures 
through a long series of eventful years— who formed, out of the most unpromising materials, the finest army 
that Europe had ever seen— who trampled down king, church aud aristocracy— who in the short intervals of 
domestic sedition and rebellion, made the name of England terrible to every nation on the face of the earth, 
were no fanatics, * * * If they were unacquainted with the works of philosophers and poets, they 
were deeply read in the oracles of God. If their names were not found in the registers of heralds, they felt 
assured that they were recorded in the Book of Life. If their steps were not accompanied by a splendid train 
of menials, legions of ministering aDgels had charge over them: their diadems crowns of glory which should 
never fade away.— Lour Macaulay. 

I. — FOUNDERS OF NEW ENGLAND. 

The Founders of New England belonged to that party of sturdy 
Englishmen which, early in the seventeenth century, distinguished 
itself by great pertinacity and courage in its repeated efforts in behalf 
of constitutional government and religious freedom. They were called 
Puritans. The first Puritan emigrants to New England embarked 
from Holland. They were the Pilgrim Fathers of the Plymouth 
Colony. The second company of Puritan emigrants, called "the 
great emigration," sailed from England, led by John Winthrop, the 
elder, and his associates of the Massachusetts Company. Closely 
following the Winthrop fleet, came Roger Williams, John Daven- 
port, Henry Vane, Hugh Peters, John Winthrop, the younger, on his 
second voyage, and many others equally distinguished. 

The earliest English soldier emigrant was Miles Standish, the 
valiant Captain of Plymouth. Later on came John Endicott, Israel 
Stoughton, John Mason, John Underhill, Edward Gibbons, Simon 
Willard, Robert Seeley and Lion Gardiner, all of whom participated 
in the early Indian wars in Connecticut. 

These, with others, penetrated the wilderness, repelled the sav- 
ages, formed the settlements, gathered the churches, kept the schools, 
made their own laws and governed themselves. They were the 
founders of New England. 



68 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OP 

The subject of this sketch was highly favored. He lived in one 
of the grand epochs of modern times — that which witnessed the rise 
of the Republic in Holland, the establishment of the Commonwealth 
in England and the colonization of the Puritans in New England, all 
links of one chain. (1) 

II. — LION GARDINER. 

Lion Gardiner was a native of England. (2) He was a gentleman, 
without title, of the middle rank between the nobility and 3 r eonianry. 
His nativity is well authenticated, but his ancestry is not known, 
never having been successfully traced. (3) 

He was born in the days of Good Queen Bess, and lie attained 
his majority during the reign of the first English Sovereign of the 
unfortunate House of Stuart, in the same year which witnessed the 
embarkation of the Pilgrim Fathers for New England. At that time 
the implacable differences between the Established Anglican Church 
and the Protestant Dissenters deeply agitated England. Compre- 
hending the gravity of affairs he was not content to be a mere spec- 
tator. In the struggle between the King and Parliament he adhered 
to the Parliament party, and was a Dissenter and a friend of the 
Puritans. It is probable that he was a younger son and went abroad 
early in life. Young and ambitious, his heart was set upon deeds of 
adventure ; and, following the footsteps of many of his countrymen, 
he volunteered to maintain the republican standard in Holland. 

England had been the ally of Holland in its greatest dangers. 

(1) Motley's Rise of the Dutch Republic, Vol. I, p. iv. 

(2) One annotatur calls Lion Gardiner a native of Scotland. Vide Mass. Hist. Coll. VII. 4th series, 52, 
note. The statement is not sustained bv proof. In ll'.SC. David, son of Lion Gardiner, in a petition to Gov. 
Dongauof New York, mentions bis father as tin- lir-t Englishman that had settled in Unit Province. Family 
tradition claims him as a native of England. Should there remain anv doubt as to bis nativitv. hi>. manuscript 
writings will settle the question. If his mother tongue was Seidell, it is nowhere shown in his words and 
phrases. I ndoubtedly, therefore, be was of English descent.— 0. C. G. 

(3) One writer states that East Hampton, L. I., was first called Maidstone because Lion Gardiner and 
others camel, oni Maidstone. Count v of Kent. England. i 9 ) Another writer states that some of the first settlers 
ot East Hampton oame Irom sta listed. County of Kent, and possible some mav have come from Maidstone, (b) 
The late James Savage of Itoston. while on a visit to England in 1S42, stated in'his •' Gleanings" : ■■ Sir Thos. 
C. Banks, author ot Dormant ami Extinct l*aroncleie> of England wrote me: ■ I suspeet the family of Gardi- 
ner of Gardiner's Island to be the representatives of Mr. Gardiner who married one of the co-heiresses of the 
Barony, the most ancient llarony of Fitz Walter, now under claim before the House of Lords bv Sir H. 
Brooke Bridges. Bart.' Fitz Waller was General of the Barons' army which obtained the Magna Cliarta of 
King John."— Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII, 3rd series, 310. All of the foregoing, it will be ohscn ed, are mere 
conjectures. Distinguished antiquarians and kinsmen, visiting England, have frequently searched among 
the repositories of counties and parishes, and consulted registers of heralds without any success whatever.— 

(a) Thompson's His. L. I., I, 296. 

(1) J. L. Gardiner, Notes on East Hampton, Vide Doc. His. N. Y., I. 679. 



LION GARDINER. 69 

Robert, Earl of Leicester, commanded the English forces there under 
Queen Elizabeth. English regiments had for a long period garri- 
soned some of its towns. Sir Thomas Fairfax, of the Scottish peer- 
age, served there under the command of Lord Vere, in the reign of 
Charles the First ; and, about that time, young Gardiner appeared 
with the same forces, a Lieutenant. 

III. — MILITARY SERVICE IN HOLLAND. 

The years rolled on ! A change and new honors awaited the 
young Lieutenant. "In 1635," Gardiner's own account states, (1) he 
was " an engineer and master of works of fortification in the legers 
of the Prince of Orange in the Low Countries." While there, certain 
eminent Puritans acting for a company of Lords and Gentlemen in 
England, approached him with an offer to go to New England* and 
constrirct works of fortification and command them. The offer was 
accepted, through the " persuasions " of Hugh Peters, pastor of a 
church of English exiles at Rotterdam, and John Davenport, a dis- 
senting minister from London, and " some other well-affected Eng- 
lishmen of Rotterdam." 

He contracted with the company " for £100 per annum for four 
years," and himself and family were to be furnished transportation 
and subsistence to the place of his destination ; and he was to serve 
the company "only" in the " drawing, ordering and making of a 
city, towns or forts of defence," under the immediate direction of 
John Winthrop, the younger. 

About the time he entered into this engagement, he was married 
to Miss Mary Wilemson of "Woerdon, Holland. 

IV. — EMBARKS EOR NEW ENGLAND. 

" On the tenth day of July, 1635," Gardiner and his wife left "Woer- 
don, Holland, bound for New England via London. They took pas- 
sage in the bark Bachelor, probably, at Rotterdam 



70 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

In the Custom House at London, under date of August 11th, 
1635, there is recorded the arrival of the Bachelor, with Gardiner and 
his wife and their maid and one other person, as passengers, " who 
are to pass to New England." (1) 

Under date of London, August 16th, 1635, Edward Hopkins, 
agent for forwarding certain ships with supplies to the " Connecticut 
plantation " in New England, addressed a letter to John Winthrop, 
the younger, then on his way to New England, informing him that he 
had just cleared the "North Sea Boatt" — meaning the Bachelor — for 
New England. The passengers mentioned are Gardiner and his wife 
and their maid and his workmaster ; the cargo is stated ~by item, 
and the master, together with the crew, are individually named. The 
passengers and crew numbered twelve persons. A postscript states 
that the Bachelor got off to sea at Gravesend August 18th, 1635. (2) 

Y. — ARRIVAL AT BOSTON. 

Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, who kept a journal of the 
transactions in the colony, under the date of November 28th, 1635, 
mentions the arrival of a small bark sent over by Lord Say and 
others, with "Gardiner an expert engineer" and provisions of all 
sorts to begin a fort at the mouth of Connecticut River. (3) 

Gardiner remained for some little time in Boston. The winter 

(1) Extract from MS. volume in folio at the Augmentation Office where Rev. Joseph Hunter one of the 
Record Commissioners presides in IN. I Is Court. Westminster Hall, which c mains Hie names of persons to em- 
bark at (lie Port ..t London after Cliri-I mas ntfi t., the -am- period in the ft. 11.. whip; \ ear: ••)' !';,. 11 Auuli In 



abroad at that time.— C. C. G. 

(2) Extract ofa letter from Edward Hopkins to John Winthrop, Jr.. dated: " London the 16th of August 
1635. Perthe Shlpp Bateheler, whom God preserve: Mr. John Winthrop, Sir: * * * I have now 
cleared of from hence t lie North Sea 1'x.att * * * It was nott easv here to tret any att this tvuie to goe 
insoesmallavessell. * * « The master is able enough but savours nott godlinesse. '* * * 
Serieant Gardener and Win Jot. his workotna-ter with the Sori.-nnt "s wielo and his mavd came over in this 
barnue "—i. e. over from Holland to Loudon —C. C. G (?) * ■• They are all to be at the Com- 
panies charge for ma tier of diett. The Serieant hath receave.l of me he forehand towards his tirst year's wages 
301. sterllnge. A Win Job hath rereai ed IS!., the master also of the bant. ic hath rcceaved 81." " * * * 
Mass. Hist. Coll . VI. 1th series. 325. 

(3) Winthrop's Journal says: "Nov. 28, 1C35. Here arrived a small Norsey bark of twenty-five tons 
sent by Lords Sa\ Ac .wilh one Gardiner an expert engineer or work base and provisions of all sorts to 
begin a fort at tile mouth of Connecticut. She came through many great tempests: yet. through the Lord's 
great providence. Iter passengers twelve men and two women, and goods all safe."— Winthrop His. N . E., I, 
173. The "Norsey hark." which for a long period pn/.zled Winthrop's annotators. was the "North Sea 
Boatt " Bateheler. referred to in Edward Hopkins' letter to John Winthrop, Jr. Vide Note (2)-C. C. G. 



LION GARDINER. 71 

had set in unusually early and was very severe, and, it is probable, 
that was the cause of his detention. 

The authorities of Boston improved the opportunity of Gardi- 
ner's being there by engaging him to complete the fortifications on 
Fort Hill. At a town meeting held January 23rd, 1636, it was 
" agreed yt for ye raysing of a new worke of fortification vpon ye 
ffort hill, about yt which is there alreaddy begune, the whole towne 
bestowe fourteene dayes worke" a man. Commissioners were 
chosen, and a treasurer, and a " clarke " ; and the work was to be 
commenced as soon as the weather would permit, for " ye engineere, 
Mr. Lyon Garner, who doth so freely offer his help therevnto, hath 
but a short time to stay."(l) 

About the same time, the "Magistrates of the Bay" desired 
Gardiner to visit Salem, and " see how fit it was for fortification." 
He did so, and upon his return told them he thought the people were 
more in danger of starvation than of any " foreign potent enemy," 
and to defer works of that kind for the present. His own account of 
the affair concludes thus : "And they all liked my saying well." 

Early in the spring Gardiner and his family continued their 
journey. The good ship Bachelor which had carried them safely 
from Holland to England and across the Atlantic was now to bear 
them to their destination. 

VI. — THE CONNECTICUT RIVER. 

The valley of the Connecticut was early the object of acquisi- 
tion. Its fertility, picturesque beauty and mild temperature attracted 
many from the seaboard settlements. To the Puritan emigrants it 
was the promised land. Four English plantations were commenced 
upon the river in the year 1635. A party from Watertown settled at 
Wethersfield; another party from Dorchester settled at Windsor; 
and another party from Cambridge settled at Hartford. 

eirh iV ^t°*f-";J? ?'-n ",r u '! n '"' ",V e town records are arranged in a column the following names, and against 
CoAn fev,, '■',:,, ,', ,1 ii ',V' a "'i V-"",'; ^ "l" 1 , 1 ;" 1 '- st "-- ' <"l<J">.-«>". Winihroi,. jui, . Kayue. Hutchinson, 
Logan, i^eiett, and Harding.— S. G Drake's His. and Ant. of Boston, 188-89. 



72 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

The fourth settlement was begun at the mouth of the river early 
in the month of November by a party of twenty men sent out by a 
bark from Boston under the direction of John Winthrop, the younger, 
who had recently returned from England (1) with a commission from 
the proprietaries of the territory at the mouth of the Connecticut to 
be Governor of the river and harbors and adjacent places for one 
year. Winthrop's commission instructed him to repair to the 
mouth of the Connecticut with all convenient speed and to provide 
at least fifty men to work at fortification and to build houses. First 
they were to erect houses for their own accommodation, after which 
they were ordered to construct others for " men of qualitie " which 
should be " within ye fort." The original projectors of this scheme 
of emigration were distinguished Lords and Gentlemen in England 
who had become thoroughly disgusted with the arbitrary govern- 
ment of Charles the First. The names subscribed to "Winthrop's 
commission, which was an agreement made in their " own names " 
and for the "rest of ye company," are the following: Lord Say and 
Seale, Sir Arthur Haslerigge, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Henry Lawrence, 
George Fenwick and Henry Darley Esq's. (2) It is known that Lord 
Brooke and Sir Matthew Boynton belonged to the companj- ; and 
Henry Vane, the younger, and Hugh Peters and others were active 
agents. There is little doubt but some of their number contemplated 
removing to the new plantation. (3) It is more than probable that 

(1) Winthrop's Journal says: " Oct. 6. 1635- There came also John Winthrop. the younger, with com- 
mission from the Lord Say. Lor'] lirooke ami divers other "reat persons in England to begin a plantation at 
Connecticut and to be governor there. Thev sent also men and ammunition and £2.\w iii munev to begin a 
fortification at the mouth of the River. 1 "— Winthrop's His. N. E., I, 170. 

(2) Vide "Agreement of the Seabrook Company with John Winthrop, Jr."— Mass. Hist. Coll.. I, 5th 
series, -1S2. 

(31 The following extracts of letters addressed to John Winthrop, Jr. , by the parties named, will show 
something of their intent and interest in the Connecticut plantation at Savbroo'ke: 

"Sir: * * * Our dependance on vou is greate. * * ' * Your ahilitie to performe your 
yndertaking we doubt not * * * only our request is that, with what speede possible may be', titt 
houses he builded." * * * Sir A. Heslerissre and fieo Fenwick Sep IS 1635— Mass. Hist, toll., 
VI, 4th series. 361. 

" Sir: * * * I pray von advertise ine what course I shall take for providing a house against lnv 
coral nge over, where I mav remaine with mv ff ami lie till I ran lie better provided to sot tie niv self and lettnie 
haye your best assistance." Sir Matt. Boyhtou. Feb. 23. 1636— Mass Hist. Coll.. VII. 4th series. 16-1. 

"Sir: * * * We are peremtory for Counecticiitt. it beimt. as vou know, aud so coulinuiuge the 
ioyute resolution of vs all, that nothing but a play lie impossibility could divert us from that place * * * 
the time of your goinge up, whcli wee assuredly expect, shall' be this winter * * * a third is, yt 
fortifications and some convenient buildiuges for the receipt of gentlemen may so baude iu haude, for there 
are like to come more over next summer * * * than vou are vet aware of- " * * * He: 
Lawrence. Sep H, Iffi.-Mi-s. Hist. Coll . I. .'.lb scries, ;i.-,. 

"Sir: * * * Sent vou som servants, but not so many 
Brooke likewise, that vndertooke for XX tve failed and scut vs not 
the same and are lna wav of selling oil" tlieir'estales wiih the greatest expeditii 
Sep. 21. 1635.— Mass. Hist. Coll.. I. 5lli series, 213. 



LION GARDINER. . 73 

Lord Say and Seale, Sir Arthur Haslerigge, Sir Matthew Boynton and 
Mr. Henry Lawrence intended to come. One authority declares that 
Lord Say and Lord Brooke were early in consultation with Hamp- 
den the kinsman of Cromwell. Without doubt Hampden deemed it 
prudent, at one time, to leave England ; and, it is said, the two 
cousins, Hampden and Cromwell, actually took passage in a vessel 
which lay in the Thames hound for North America, when a royal 
order prohibited the ship from sailing. Seven other ships rilled with 
emigrants were stopped at the same time. (1) " Hampden and 
Cromwell remained, and with them remained the Evil Genius of 
the House of Stuart." (2) 

VII. — SAYBROOKE FORT. 

Winthrop's advance party, consisting of Lieutenant Gibbons, 
Sergeant Willard, with some carpenters, took possession of a point 
of land upon the west bank of the river, near its mouth, where there 
was an excellent harbor, and began to fell trees and make a clearing, 
late in November, 1635. Very little progress was made towards a 
settlement during the ensuing winter. Probably a few log houses 
were put up of the most primitive character. 

The Bachelor arrived with Gardiner and family very early in the 
following spring, probably in March. The voyagers having reached 
their destination, were doubtless rejoiced to step on firm earth, after 
many months of tediousness and peril on the sea. As compared 
with the homes they had left what must' have been their astonishment 
at the view before them ? Let us hope that their first glances were 
greeted with genial rays of sunshine, fresh verdure of budding trees, 
and sweet fragrance of early blossoms. The wild scene doubtless 
suggested pleasures, yet it brought them anxieties. A mere clearing 
without habitable abodes, no fields for planting, and few laborers, was 

(1) This storv lias been questioned, yet there is 
others relate it. Arguments pro and cou may b 

(2) Lord Macaulay's Essay on John Hampden. 



74 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

not cheering for contemplation. Gardiner's account of the place at 
their arrival shows considerable disappointment. He boldly asserts 
that the company had not sent forward men " according to promise." 
At least three hundred men were expected ; some for fortification, 
some for tilling the ground and others to build houses ; but, the 
" great expectation," Gardiner tauntingly remarks, came " only to 
two men — Mr. Fenwick and his man." However, notwithstanding 
every vexation and hindrance, the place was fortified by Gardiner 
with the men and means at his command. A fort was constructed 
of square-hewn timber with ditch, drawbridge, portcullis, rampart 
and palisade. (1) This was the first fortification erected in New 
England. (2) In honor of Lord Say and Seal and Lord Brooke, the 
fort was named Saybrooke. 

The Indians were more numerous in this vicinity than in any 
other part of ]S"ew England. The Pequots occupied both sides of the 
Pequot River — now called the Thames — and numbered upwards of 
seven hundred warriors ; the Narragansetts and Mohegans were like- 
wise formidable tribes ; and all of them combined would make a 
powerful enemy for the English to contend against, for at this time 
the settlers on the Connecticut were very few in numbers ; and in all 
of the colonies not to exceed three hundred able men could be mus- 
tered for duty. The dangers which threatened the settlements, threat- 
ened the fort. Besides hostile Indians, the Dutch of JSTew Netherlands 
lay in unfriendly proximity. However, the equanimity of the com- 
mander of the fort does not appear to have been disturbed by a 
knowledge of his imperiled situation. Disappointments had been 
met and could still be borne, and dangers were to be expected in the 
possession of a fortified place. 

On the 1st day of April, 1636, John Winthrop, Jr., arrived at the 

(1) The following articles came as freight in the Bachelor: "Iron worke for 2 drawbridges, as follows: 
02 -l.i |»li-~. -in -laple luniks for portcullis. -1 chains. 10 hotilts. -1 plates, s chainc clasps, 1 under hinges. 23M yard9 
of redd tlagg stnffe for Serieanl Cardencr's vse ,V: some small lines that came from Holland .V a wheelbar- 
row."— Mass. Hist. Coll.. VI. Ith si-ries. 326. 

(2) History and traditions show that the fort was erected on a steep eminence which jutted out into 
the riverwhich'was united to the mam land by a sandy beach and was Hanked by salt marshes. The land side of 
the fort was prelected byapallsade It could not lie succe-sl'ullv assailed bv any near approaches of firm 
ground. Tills fort was destroyed by tire in 1647.— V. C. G. 



LION OARDINER. 75 

fort. (1) He brought friendly messages for Gardiner. Sir Richard 
Saltonstall, of Whitefreyers, England, wrote Winthrop : " Pray you 
commend me, after yourselfe, to your good wife and Sergieant 
Gardiner with his fellow soldier, whom I purpose, God willing, to 
visitt this summer, if he will prouide a house to recieue me and 
mine att my landing." (2) Hugh Peters, then at Salem, wrote 
Winthrop: "Salute honest Mr. Garddner and the rest." (3) And, 
later in the month, William Pynchon, then at Roxbmy, wrote 
Winthrop: "I pray you remember my harty loue to Mr. Gardener 
and the rest with you." (4) In the same month, Winthrop, the elder, 
wrote his son: "Therefore I here end, with salutations to all our 
friends. Mr. Gardiner, and his wife &c" (5) On May 16th, Winthrop 
wrote his father that he had sent the Bachelor to Boston, but should 
soon have use for her. On May 21st, Fenwick, one of the Saybrooke 
Company, arrived at Boston and wrote Winthrop, that his coming- 
would not dissolve his commission. On June 23d, Winthrop, the 
elder, wrote his son that the Bachelor would go back the next week ; 
and that Fenwick, Peters, and some others would set out on horse- 
back expecting to meet a shallop at one of the upper towns on 
the Connecticut to take them down to the fort. (6) 

Fenwick and Peters arrived at the fort early in July. They were 
bearers of letters to Winthrop— one from his brother Adam closing 

(1) John Winthrop, Jr., came on to Saybrooke fort from Boston, with his brother Stephen Pfjiaps, 
and a small party, !>v land as far as Narruganscll Hay. where they niel the Indian < nod < nlu.uii lit. alio 
from thence bv a vessel. He writes, in a letter to his lather, from '■ l'a hoshaukc. Ihe Indian nil , l.-i .i\- 
hrooke fort (,i ') : dated '-April 7. 1636," * * * " The first oflhis month we s, 11 sal l< lr..in Xarlgaiiset . 
and in the aflernoone. about 11 a eloeke. arrived hern-: fortius place I have mil yet scene an> I no- mail 
shoudhealdc,:,wr,,d,tofit,'' * * * Mass I list. Coll .. VI . l.h series. M l-ln \\m,hro,, -c,,mi,,,s 
sionconstiinledl.ini ■■ Governor of the river Connecticut * * * one whole > cat attei 1 is at m a 
there"' V he a,, pears to have entered upon his duties the previous allium,, by sending men to locale and 
prepare the place Vol settlement and fortification. Here began an ollicial acquaintance led ween Gardiner and 
Winthrop which soon ripened into a personal friendship that was continued with mutual confidence and 
fldeli (JfThe\"n''llVis' i l'n\naiVmi,nehe i c'ame known will be explained in the following letter, copied from 

Winthrop. Jr.. found himsell, m tlie7thofAp.il. irai. and which neither ol us could donio.c than haz.ii.l a 
guess about when the lirst volume of the ■ Winlhrnp Papers ' was in press 1 can new pni-Jn mote ex. 
r,iformalion. 1 have before me Ihe original dralt of a deed dated ' Ma; .1. 1 ..1: . » which liilll Ax. Sat R in 
ofPommauoccaml Aswaw. Sachem his wife.' convey their -Island called Monehonal to 1 ,„ , , a it. r 
commander of the forte called Saybrooke fort als PASHPESHAUKS at the mouth oiUie i-ivci^ii^KeunectiLOt. 

The"" deed" referred to is in the hand-writing of Thos. Lecliford, a lawyer „i ■Boston from 1637 to 1641 

well known to sit ills of colonial history, and will soon he published in Ihe Lechlord Record Book by the 

American Antiquarian Society. -C. C. G. Also Vide Infra, p. 81, note (2). 

(2) Mass. Hist. Coll., VI, 4th series, 581. (3) Mass. Hist. Coll., VI, 4th series, 93. 
(4) Mass. Hist. Coll., VI, «h series, 370. (5) Wiuthrop's Hist. N. E. 1, 389. 

(6) Winthrop's Hist. N. E., 1, 392. 



76 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

thus — " I pray remember my lone to my brother Steven, and Mr. 
Gardnar and his wife, and all the rest of my friends ;"(1) and 
another from his father, saying : " I paid Mr. Garsford of Salem £5 
for a bnff-coat for Mr. Gardiner, which you must remember to put to 
his account ; " (2) also of a commission (3) from the Bay authorities 
requesting him to ask for a " solemn meeting of conference " with 
the Chief Sachem of the Pequots, and to demand of him the mur- 
derers of Capt. Stone and others ; and, in case the demand was 
refused, to return the present (4) — a token of amity — which the 
Chief had sent the Bay authorities on a former occasion when a 
demand was made for the same murderers. Accordingly, Winthrop 
sent for Sassacus, and upon his arrival a conference was held, when 
the demand was made and refused ; thereupon the present was 
returned, and immediately after Fenwick and Peters with "Winthrop 
departed for Boston. (5) The return of the present was naturally 
construed into a declaration of war by the Pequots. Gardiner 
understood what would be its effect, and had endeavored to persuade 
the Bay authorities against their hot haste. He plead for delay and 
a more lenient policy until the new settlements grew stronger; but 
his entreaty availed nothing, the present was returned, said he " full 
sore against my will." 

Immediately the Pequots began to plot against and irritate the 
neighboring settlements. Before the end of the month John 
Oldham, a well known trader, was killed by the Indians on Block 
Island. The Bay authorities charged the act upon the Pequots. 
Gardiner's account shows the murder was committed by the 
Narragansetts. The Bay authorities being undecided, were com- 
pelled to do something to satisfy the general clamor. "I wonder," 
said Gardiner, " that the Bay doth no better revenge the murdering 

(1) Mass. Hist. Coll., VIII, 5th series, 220. (2) Winthrop *s Hist. N. E., 1, 391. 

(3) Mass. Hist. Coll., Ill, 3d series, 129. 

(4) The present consisted of "otter skin coats aud beaver and skeins of wampum."— C. C. G. 

(5) Winthrop did not return to the fort. He had been there just three months. His commission to be 
-rof the place was such that he could throw it up at any time. It is probable that his own projects 



LION GARDINER. 77 

of an honest man of their own?" Finally it was settled that the 
Block Island Indians should be punished. An expedition was fitted 
out, commanded by Endicott, which first landed at Block Island, 
and then proceeded to the fort, " to my great grief," said Gardiner, 
' : for you come hither to raise these waps about my ears and then 
you will take wing and flee away." From thence the expedition 
went to Pequot River. Gardiner, thinking there might be an oppor- 
tunity for booty, sent along his shallop and another boat with twelve 
men, and bags to fill with corn. He says his men " brought a pretty 
quantity of corn" but the "Bay men killed not a man," only a 
" Sachem of the Bay killed a Pequot ; " and that began the war " in 
these parts." The expedition was timid in action and unproductive 
in results. The authorities of Connecticut and of Plymouth thought 
it ill-advised. It is evident that the ability of the Indians to make 
reparation for offences was not well understood by the settlers. (1) 

Immediately thereafter the fort was besieged by great numbers 
of Indians lying in ambush ; attacking all that ventured abroad ; 
killing, and sometimes roasting their victims alive. A trader named 
Tilly landed on a point, in sight of the fort, and himself and another 
man carelessly going on shore were captured and killed by the 
Indians. Tilly was tortured in the most inhuman manner. Gardiner 
had previously notified Tilly not to go ashore ; and was given " ill 
language " for his cautionary advice ; so he called the place of Tilly's 
rashness Tilly's Folly, now known as Tilly's Point. On the 22d of 
February, 1637, Gardiner went out of the fort with ten men to burn 
the reeds and leaves on a neck of land near the marsh. Suddenly 
a " great company of Indians " came out of the woods from several 
directions, while others sprang from the " fiery reeds," and all com- 
menced a furious attack with their bows and arrows. Gardiner and 
his party being largely out-numbered, began retreating and firing ; 
but they were closely pursued ; even " on to the very muzzles of 

(1) S. G. Drake's Hist, and Am. of Boston, 202. 



78 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

their pieces," so that at times they were compelled to defend them- 
selves with their " naked swords." Gardiner was hit with many 
arrows, one of which seriously wounded him in the thigh. Two of 
his men were severely wounded, and four were shot dead. (1) A few 
days later the Pequots, thinking they had killed Gardiner in their 
recent attack upon him, swarmed about the fort fully three hun- 
dred strong. Their attitude showed they were "bent upon mischief. 
Gardiner called for his "sword, pistols, and carbine," and ordered 
out a small party for a parley. At first the Pequots did not know 
Gardiner, for, said they, he was shot with many arrows ; and " so I 
was," said Gardiner, " but my buff-coat preserved me, and only one 
hurt me ; " (2) but when he spake they knew his voice, and began to 
fall back. At the close of the parley he gave a signal to his gunner 
at the fort, and " the two great guns went off" which caused a " great 
hubbub amongst them " and made them beat a speedy retreat. 

Late in March, Governor Vane sent a messenger with a letter to 
Gardiner requesting him to " prescribe the best way to quell the 
Pequots." In his reply, Gardiner "presumed to send an arrow," 
that had killed one of his men, "with the head sticking fast half 
through the man's rib-bone " — as a token — because it was reported 
at the Bay that Indian arrows had no force. (3) About the 10th of 
April, Underhill arrived with twenty lusty men from the Bay. They 
came upon the requisition of Gardiner and were to remain " till 
something should be done about the Pequots." 

While the colonists were debating upon the gravity of the 
situation a massacre was committed by the Pequots near Wethers- 
field — foiirteen men and women were killed, and two maids were 
carried awaj'. (4) The maids were soon liberated by some Dutch 

(1) Mather says there were about seventy Indians who fought G. 
men ; that a lil'tli who was Sorely wounded recovered , and lived to u 
shot him, the next year.— s. G. Drake's Hist, and Ant. of Boston, 205. 

(2) The English soldiers armor at that time was a steel cap and corselet with back and 
buff coats.— C. C. G. 

(3) Extract from a letter of Ed. Winslow of Plymouth to John Wiuthrop, the elder : 

seems, m nr 1 1 .list i a -vlli com m on men hv exlallinir tin- \ aim- of yutir ad\ ersaries. preterm 

Spaniards. "-Mass. Hist. Coll., VI, 4th series, 1G4. 

(4) April 23, 1637. 



LION GARDINER. 79 

traders who went in a sloop to Pequot River, and secured them 
by a resort to stratagem. Gardiner says he sent the Dutchmen 
at his own cost who returned the maids to the fort almost naked, 
whom he clothed and sent home. 

At a general court held at Hartford, (1) it was voted to raise 
ninety men, and make an attack on the Pequots stronghold "beyond 
Pequot River. The Bay authorities, through the efforts of Roger 
Williams, effected a secret alliance with Miantonomoh, Chief of the 
JSTarragansetts ; and the Connecticut settlers secured Uncas, Chief of 
Mohegans, who had rebelled against the authority of Sassacus, and 
naturally attached himself to the settlers for protection and for 
revenge. The Pequots now stood alone and defiant ! In a few days 
Mason with ninety settlers, and Uncas with eighty warriors dropped 
down the river to the fort, from whence the combined forces were to 
move. To Mason, Gardiner and Underhill was given full authority 
to fit out the expedition. Gardiner says "we old soldiers agreed 
about the way." Mason held the chief of command. Twenty "in- 
sufficient men " were sent home and their places were filled by an 
equal number of the "lustiest" at the fort. The friendship of Uncas 
was satisfactorily tested by a novel plan proposed by Gardiner, and 
a surgeon, and provisions were supplied by the fort — and the brave 
little army sailed out of the Connecticut. (2) 

Our subject does not require a further statement of particulars. 
Colonial historians have related the story of the encounter. In 
one brief hour the proud Pequots were nearly exterminated and 
the victorious colonists hastened to their homes. Mason and about 
twenty of his men returned across the country ; arriving at the shore 
opposite to the fort at sunset. Gardiner " observed his approach ; 
and never did the heart of a Roman consul, returning in triumph, 
swell more than the pride of Mason and his friends, when they found 
themselves received as victors ; and ' nobly entertained with many 

(1) May 1, 1637. 

(2) The attack was made on the Pequot fortress at Mistick on the morning of May 26th, 1637.— C. C. G . 



80 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

great guns.'"(l) On the following morning Mason and his party 
crossed the river and received "many courtesies" from the com- 
mander of the fort. (2) 

The fall of the Pequots put an end to Indian depredations ; and 
the prospect of an enduring peace brought increased prosperity to 
the river settlements. The fort was maintained at its former strength ; 
the commander was watchful, but a warlike vigilance was not 
required ; he could now practice husbandry without the aid of 
"great guns," and hold a parley without calling for his "sword, 
pistols and carbine." 

The Narragausetts were now the most powerful of the tribes 
in this vicinity, and promptly asserted their supremacy by de- 
manding tribute from their neighbors. The Montauks declined 
to acknowledge their power, preferring the friendship of the set- 
tlers, and Wyandanch, Sachem of the Montauks, came to the fort to 
ask for peace and trade with the settlers promising to pay tribute 
in wampum. Gardiner granted his request, and assured him of 
friendship and protection so long as his tribe kept their pledges to 
the English. Such was the situation of affairs when the engagement 
of Commander Gardiner with the Saybrooke Company expired, which 
was in the summer of 1639. 

Lion Gardiner's life and experiences at Saybrooke Fort would 
not be entirely complete without stating that his newly married wife, 
with her maid, was an occupant of the fort and shared with him its 
deprivations and dangers and bore him two children, first, David, 
born April 29th 1636 ; and, second, Mary, (3) born August 30th, 1638. 
David was the first child born of English parents in Connecticut. 

(0 Bancroft's Hist, of the V. S Vol. I, 407. 

(2) Vide Mason's History of the Fequot war.— Mass. Hist. Col!.. VIII, 2nd series, 120-152. 

(3) This daughter married Jeremiah Coukllug of East Hampton. L. I., ancestor of the Coukling family 
of New York— notably Judge Alfred Conkllng and hissoiis Hon. Roseoe Conkliug and Col. Fred'k A. Conkling. 



LION GARDINER. 81 



VIII. — MANCHONACK ClUdS ISLE OF WIGHT. 

Gardiner early comprehended the situation of affairs at Say- 
brooke and wrote Winthrop, soon after the latter departed from the 
fort, saying: "it seemes wee have neather masters nor owners;" at 
the same time, said he, •' there shall be noe cause to complayne of 
our ffidelitie and endeavours to you ward;" yet, if not provided for, 
" then must I be fforced to shift as the Lord may direct," (1) 

Notwithstanding every discouragement Gardiner remained at his 
post and fulfilled his contract to the end ; and, when " fforced to shift," 
was fortunate in securing from the Indians the possession of a large 
island in Long Island Sound, called by them Manchonactc, signifying, 
by tradition, " a place where many had died." The original deed of 
purchase bears date May 3, 1639, by which " Yovawan, Sachem of 
Pommanocc, and Astoaio, his wife," convey their "Island called Man- 
chonat" to "Lion Gardiner, commander of the forte called Say brooke 
fort als Pashpeshauks, at the mouth of the river of Kennecticot." (2) 
According to tradition the consideration paid was " one large black 
dog, one gun, a quantity of powder and shot, some rum and a few 
Dutch blankets." (3) Subsequently Gardiner procured a grant of the 
same island, called by the English Isle of Wight, from an agent of 

(1) Vide Supra, pp. 35-36. 

(2) Vido Supra, p. 75, note («). Also, the following :-C. C.G. Hartford, August 15, 1883. 
Mr. C. C. Gardiner. St. Louis, Mo., Dear Sir: I send you a copy of the Deed of Gardiner's Island. 

The uniform tradition of the purchase from Waiaudance is, as you will see, unfounded. Waiaudance, as 
Gardiner mentions in his narrative, was a younger • ■ brother of the old-Sachem of Long Island," who "dwelt 
at Shelter Island," and was not, at the date of this deed, himself, Sachem. Pommauoc was an Indian name 
oi Long Jsland-or rather of the east end of the Island. Yovawan, the old Sachem, may have been the elder 
brother of Waiandance, who was called by the English, Poggatacut. See Prime's History of L. I., p. 91. 
Yours Truly (Signed) J. Hammond Trumbull. 

Indian Deed of Gardiner's Island: "Knowe all men by these presents, that we Yovawan Sachem 
of Pommanocc and Aswaw his wife for ten coats of trading cloath to us before the making hereof payed and 
delivered by LION Gardiner commander of the forte called Saybrooke fort als Pashpeshauks at the mouth 
of the River of Kennecticot, doe hereby for us and our heirs and successors grant, bargaine and sell uuto the 
said Lion Gardiner all that our Island called Manchonat wth the appurtenances aud all our right, title and 
demand of, in and to the same, to have and to hold the said Island wth the appurtenances unto the said Lion 
Gardiner his heirs and assigns forever. IN witness whereof we have hereto sett our hands aud seales the 
third day of the month, called, by the English, May in the yeare by them of their Lord written one thousand 
six hundred thirty and nine, 1639." [Signatures aud seals not given in copy.] 

From the original draft by Thomas Lechford.— J. H. Trumbull. 

(3) This tradition is not well founded, as will be seen by reading the Indian Deed.-C. C. G. 

11 



82 PAPERS AND BIOGPvAPHY OF 

Earl of Stirling, grantee of the King of England, (1) bearing date 
March 10, 1639 [o. s.] (2) 

He removed with his family to his island soon after purchasing 
it of the Indians, taking with him a number of men from the fort for 
farmers— forming, it is said, the earliest English settlement within 
the present limits of the State of New York. The island was then a 
wilderness, far away from European settlements and open to Indian 
depredations ; but, without doubt, was guarded by Gardiner's trusted 
friend Wyandanch, Sachem of the Montauks, between whom and 
himself there appears to have existed a remarkably close and firm 
friendship — a Heathen and Christian — that continued steadfast and 
unbroken even unto death ! 

In 1641, Gardiner's daughter Elizabeth was born on the 14th day 
of September — the first birth from English parents in the Province 
of New York. 

In 1642, Miantonomoh visited the Montauks and endeavored to 
persuade them to give wampum to the JSTarragansetts, and not to 
the English. Gardiner, happening to be Avith the Montauks, advised 
Wyandanch not to give any answer, but to ask for a month's delay 
to consider the subject. Meantime Gardiner wrote of the matter by 
"VVyandanch to Gov. Hain.es at Hartford, who forbade the Montauks 

(11 Copy or Earl ok Stirling's Grant to Lion Gardiner.— Know all whom this present "Writing 

may concern, that I. .lame- Karrott of Long Island. Gent . Deputy lo the Light Hou'lilc the Kuril ol Starling 
Secretary tortile Kingdom nl Si'. .llano, doe by these presents, in (he name anil heluill of the said Karl I of si aiding 
and in my own name al- ... a-, no. Deputy, as it doth or may concern myself. Give & Grant free leaveand liberty 
to Lion Gardiner his hen- ox, en I,, r- and icdiae I,, oiiio> Unit l-!nnd which he lialh now in posses-ion called 

by the Indians .Maiicln.naek. by the Knglislt the 1-1 'Wight: I -av lo.niov both now* lor ever, which Island 

bath been purchased, before my coming, from the ancient Inhabitants, the Indians: Nevertheless though the 
said Lion Gardiner had his possession tirsl from the Indian- before inv coining, yet is be now contented to hold 
the tenor A title ol the p,,s-e-i..n ..I the aforesaid I-lan.l Ir.on tlicEarll of Starling or his successors whomso- 



the aforesaid Kit . . 

known, there I ore. linil 1. Hie -.0.1 .lain. - l-'.n r. 1 1 d... _- 1\ -■ \ |i;,i!i -j\ en li ..■ liberty and power to Hie said Lion 

Gardiner, his Heirs. Kxe'r- and A— ign- and their Sueee ■- forever to eniov the possession of the aforesaid 

I-laiid. In build ,v plain thereon a- b. -t likelh ihem. and I,. ,li-| ■ I hereof as lhc\ think till, and also lo make. 

execute* put in practice sneii laws lor (. liurch and civil Government as are according loGo.l, the Kings and 
the practise of (he c.unlry. without giving any account thereof to any whomsoever and the aforesaid Itight & 
title, both ol land and Government to remayne with, and to Ihem aud their successors for ever, without any 
trouble or moleslaln.ii Irom the said Karll oranv of his successors, for now & forever. And as much as it hath 

pleased Our ISnyal Mug to give Ihe Palle I g Island p. i he aforesaid Karle of Starling in consideration 

whereof it is agreed upon thai the trade with the Indians shall 1 ■eniavne with, the said Karle and his successors, 
to dispose upon from time to time and at all times as best likctb him. Notwithstanding [allowing! the said 
Lion Gardiner to trade with thelndvans for Come oranv Kinde of victuals for the use of the I'lanialion and 
no farther; and if the said Lion Gardiner shall trade in AVainpnni from the Indians bee shall pay for every 

fadome twenty shillings and also the said Li iardiner in. I hi-,.. --,,,■. -hall pal lo (he said Karle •"■ ''<'■= 

depulyesa yearly aeknowledgineu I being the - flan 1" id-, being lawfully demanded i of lawfull i 

o! I'.ngla n. I. or such coin mod it \s as al Unit time -hall pa-- lor mono \ in •' 

begin on the last, of Oct. KM.'i, the three former v.-ares Peine u.lv; .1 I'm 

witness whereof the party has put his hands and si al the tenth day of Al 

Sealed aud delivered in the presence of ffulk Davis, Benin Price." 

(2) According to New Style, this date should be reckoned as March 10, 1040. 



LION GARDINER. S3 

giving wampum to the Narragansetts. The next year, Miantonomoh 
visited the Montauks, bringing them gifts ; and, Wyandanch being- 
absent, he held a secret consultation with the old men of the tribe. 
On Wyandanch's return he was told of the secret talk and carried the 
news to Gardiner, who notified Gov. Eaton at New Haven and Gov. 
Haines at Hartford — so Miantonomoh's second attempt failed. After 
the death of Miantonomoh, his successor, JSTinigret, sent one of his chief 
men to the Montauks to form ail alliance against the English, and 
Wyandanch seized and bound him and turned him over to Gardiner, 
who sent him under guard with a letter to Gov. Eaton at New Haven. 
Being wind bound at Shelter Island, he got away from the guard in 
the night and returned to his tribe. This was another of the plots 
of the Narragansetts which was discovered, and revealed to the 
English, by the faithful "Wyandanch. 

Previous to the Pequot war a giant-like Indian, toward the 
west, killed a man named Hammond, in Southampton, and he could 
not be taken because he was protected by Poggatacut, Sachem of 
Manhasset. Afterwards the same Indian killed another man named 
Farrmgton — yet he could not be found. Wyandanch sought out the 
murderer after the death of Poggatacut and killed him by the direc- 
tion of Gardiner. Then, a woman was killed, by some unknown 
Indians, and the magistrates sent for Wyandanch to appear and 
produce the murderers, but Lis tribe being fearful of his safety 
would not let him go. Wyandanch then said, " I will hear what my 
friend will say" — meaning Gardiner, who, being there, saw the diffi- 
culty, and offered himself as a hostage for the safe return of Wyan- 
danch, and was accepted, with loud and joyous shouts of thanks 
from the tribe. That same night Wyandanch departed, with a note 
from Gardiner saying that no one should " stay him " but to " let 
him eat and drink and be gone," and before his return he found four 
" consenters " to the murder, who were arrested and afterwards hung 
at Hartford — one of whom was the Blue Sachem. The foregoing- 
instances are related to show that Wyandanch was the faithful 



S4 PAPERS AND BIOGKAPHY OF 

friend of the settlers, even when murders were committed by the 
Long Island Indians. 

In 1649, Gardiner became one of the original purchasers of about 
30,000 acres of land for the settlement at East Hampton, which was 
first called Maidstone. In 1650, the first church was gathered at East 
Hampton. The same j'ear Gardiner wrote John Winthrop, Jr., about 
a young man, not named, for a minister — it may have been Thomas 
James. (1) 

In 1651, Poggatacut, Sachem of Manhasset, died, and his brother, 
Wyandanch, succeeded him as Grand Sachem of Paumanacke, as 
Long Island was called by the Indians. 

In 1653, Gardiner placed his island in the care of farmers and 
removed with his family to East Hampton. (2) His place of resi- 
dence was on the east side of the main street, toward the southern 
extremity of the town, nearly opposite to the old burying ground in 
which it is supposed himself and wife and some of his descendants 
were buried. The same place is now owned by a descendant. 

In 1654, a war broke out between the Narragansetts and Mon- 
tauks. Frequent incursions were made by both tribes. On a certain 
raid upon the Montauks, by jNinigret he captured the daughter of 
Wyandanch on the night of her nuptials and killed her spouse, 
and captured and killed many others. Through the exertions of 
Gardiner the hapless bride was redeemed and restored to her 
afflicted parents. In grateful remembrance, Wyandanch presented 
his friend Gardiner a free gift of land, by deed bearing date July 
14, 1659, comprising the principal part of the present town of Smith- 
town, L. I. (3) In 1655, and likewise in 1657, Gardiner, with others, 

(1) Vide Supra, p. 40. 

(2) Joshua Garlieke. Benjamin Price and John Miller, were at different times overseers of the island.— 
Ch. of E. Hampton. 

(31 Office Secretary of State. Albany, NT. T.. Book of Deeds. Vol. II, p. IIS 

ira>. Hi' il known unt,'. all ni.-n. both Eiiidish and In. Ivan-, e-i hilly the inlial 



ile'fended ourselves, and ransomed iijy Daughter and ttii.nds. And wee say and know 
had great comfort and reliefe. from the most Honobl of the English Nation here abo 
yet live, and both of us being now old. and not that we at any time have given bin 



LION GARDINER. 85 

were appointed a committee to visit Hartford and treat with the 
magistracy about placing East Hampton under the protection of 
Connecticut. 

In 1657, Goody Garlicke, wife of Joshua Garlicke of East Hamp- 
ton, was charged with witch-craft. Witnesses deposed many facts 
and much debate arose. Gardiner charged one witness with fal- 
sification and declared the accused innocent. Her case was referred 
to the general court at Hartford, but she was never taken there and 
the matter was not heard of afterwards. 

In 165S, Gardiner became one of the purchasers in the original 
conveyance from the Indians of about 9,000 acres of land on Montauk 
Point. (1) The grantees guaranteed protection to the Montauks, and 
the latter reserved the right to live on the lands — a right their pos- 
terity have ever since enjoyed. In the same year Wyandanch 
brought a suit against one Daily, for damage done his " great can- 
now," which was tried by three men. Gardiner testified in the case, 
and the jury found for the plaintiff ten shillings damages and court 
charges. (2) In the same year, a fatal epidemic spread among the 
Montauks and destroyed more than half of the tribe. Wyandanch 
died, that year, by poison secretly administered. Previous to his 
death he appointed Gardiner and his son David guardians to his son 
Wyancombone, who, it appears, divided the government of his tribe 
with his widowed mother, styled Sunk-Squa — meaning something 
like Dowager-Queen. Gardiner pathetically remarks upon the death 

love, care ami Charge, wee having left that is worth his acceptance, but a small Tract of land and we desire 
him to accept it for himselfe. his Inures. Executors and Assignes for over: No we that it may boo knowne how, 
and where tiiis Land lveth on Long Island, Wo sav it lyoth between Huntington and Seatalcott the westeme 
Bounds being Cowharbour. Laslerh Ashaiuoinuek, and Sunt herlv erosse ve island to the end of ye groat hollow 
or valley or more than hallo through the Island, and that this is our (free Act ami Deed, doth appeare by out- 
hand Markes underwritten. Signed, sealed ami delivered in the presence of Richard Smith, Theiu.is Coalfield, 
Thomas Talmage. by Wvandance. his mark. Wvankanbone, his mark. Sachem's wife, her mark." 

On the saiue page follows immediately the following entry: "Moreover, I, Wvankanbone with my 
.Mother doackm>wled;-'e to have sold to Lvou Gardiner abovenaiiied, the next iacent Tract of Land Easterly, 
That is to sav. Neseqtiake River, and all the land both Neck and Creokes, thereunto belonging, and to ruune 
paralel through the Island with tint other, and have reed so much for it. as wee demanded, to our full content, 
so that that land from Cowharbour to Nesaouakc River with the same River, holongeth to Lyon Gardiner his 
heires. Executors and Assigns forever. This done by us this 6th of April infill. Witness our bands Marks . t 
Scales in ye puts of these, wee sav not mi I V the Laud. I ait all vt dm 1 1 ( »r shall mil lira 11 v grow thereon .— Thomas 
Talinage.'Tl as Glial lie Id. bv W vankanboue, his mark. His mother, her mark. Ache mans, a wituesse."- 

1 copied the above from Albany Correspondence in the SIGNAL of Babylon, L. I., June 30, 1883.— 
C. C. G. 

(1) The purchase was confirmed by deed August 1, 1660, and Feb. 11,1661.— C. C. G. 

(2) Hedges' Two Hundredth Anniversary Address, East Hampton, 1819. 



86 PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY OF 

of Wyandanch, " my friend and brother is gone, who will now do the 
like ? " (1) In" the same year, Gardiner made his Will. (2) 

Iu 1659, Gardiner was prosecuted, before the magistrates of East 
Hampton, by certain English captors of a Dutch vessel, for retaking 
the Dutch yessel at his island; damages were laid at £500. The 
case was referred to the general court at Hartford, but was never 
tried. (3) 

In 1660. Gardiner wrote his well known and often quoted " Rela- 
tion of the Pequot Wars." (4) 

Iu 1662, Gardiner, with others, were chosen to " compound a 
difference," between certain parties, " about Meantaquit." 

In the same year Gardiner's daughter Elizabeth, wife of Arthur 
Howell, died leaving a daughter Elizabeth. 

In 1663, Gardiner conveyed his lands in Smithtown, L. I., to 
Richard Smith of R. I., whom he had known when at Saybrooke. 

In the latter part of 1663, Gardiner died at the age of 64. In 
1664 his widow made her Will, (5) and early in 1665 she died at the 
age of 64. Both were buried at East Hampton. 



Kastll; 
gave it. 
whole- al 
Elizabcf 



(1) Vide Supra, p. 30. 

(2) WILL of Liox Gahdineii 



the: 


ie presents that I, L 


iou Gardiner ot 


Inn 


I give, bequeath my i 


ioul to God that 




U. First, then 1 leavi 


; mv wile, Marv, 


call 


ed mine, only where: 
toy daughter" Mary sli 


,s. iin .laui.-lil.-V, 
all each of tlii-ln 



, and dispos 

ises, hut otl 
il take care 






1,11, ,wn torn 

: as I live, s 


h might be 

s James, tl 


10 K. 


•vTi-I'i 1 


id Minister '( 


bom I will 


that 


they i 


shall have ft 




carl 


of "them and thei 


i be the 


i) hei 


■e. tw 


or one wit 


n Gardiner 


I.I 


wm 


LRDINEB. 



that when I am dead. h\ wilful u, -elect she he m.l brought CO poverty whi 
grief and sorrow. Tie- executor- of this my Will. I desire to l,e Mr. thou 
the Word ofGod al Easthanipt.ui. with John Mulfor.l and Kob.-rt llond. 
every day spent about this mv Will: I say thev shall have live shilliiiL-s f 
charges home. But in ease that three of the overseers of mv Will shou 
my wife may choose others. Witness my own hand seal the 13(11 Akici. 

duecd unto and api.i .\ , .1 b\ i h. . ..in t lure at SoutliainDtOtl. aild In the - iH Court ordered to he recorded by 
in.-. Hi iiiv l-i.i-o.i. Ih.i-ie, Will and iiiv.nlon oi prop.-i-n record.-. I in a I 1, euli I Town and County 

Records. LiberA,pagi i-aieii:'. 1663 deposited among the town records of Southampton, Long Island, N. Y.) 

(3) Vide Supra, p. Hi. (4) Vide Supra, p. H, et sect. 

(5) Will of Mauy Gardiner, Widow of Lion Gardiner.— Be it known unto all men by these 
presents that I. Marv Gardiner of .Maidstone, als Easlhampton upon Long Island. Iieimr in eoo.l and "perfect 
understanding. I say I do by thc-e proems make mv last Will and Testament. 1. 1 I.e.iucalli mi soul to God. 
and my bodj to the earth from whence il came, and mine estate as tolioweUi: I give mj Island, .-all. .1 the 

Is] ■ Wleht alia- Mom bollock . iv -on Da\ i.l. wholh to be his .lurine hi- lib-', and alb r hi- dl - i-, . 10 

his next heire mailc begotten bvhim. 'then my Will i-. it' shall succeed to the h, ire mail. ■ of m\ daughter 

Marv. a- an Inheritance; audit - lie without an heire maile. to succeed to the heire mail.- ol my 

gi-an'd-cliiid Elizabeth, and to be entavled to the first belres mailc proceeding from the body of my 
deceased husband, Lion Gardiner, and hie his wife Mary, Irom time to lime, forever. Never to' be sold 

!>■ Ih. -in but to he a continuous inheritance to the heires of me and mv husband forever; but if in future time 

the heires maile shall be extinct, then to succeed to the females in an eqilall division as shall be found most 



LION GARDINER. 



87 



Thus passed from earth one of the prominent figures in the early 
colonial history of New England. 

Lion Gardiner was singularly modest ; firm in his friendships ; 
"patient of toil; serene amidst alarms; inflexible in faith " — and 
he " died in a good old age, an old man and full of years." 

. I give to my daughter Mary«/my "Whole accommodations 



foresaid, but. with 
ilcle Elizabeth; if 
■ executors whom 
rk and household 
or before slice be 



just ami equall for the dp 


riding the! 


said Isla 


at Ivisthaiupton ,,r Maids 


tone with 


ill tile ll 


..ne-llalfe of inv stork, vi 


z., neat k 


hide, ho 


Marv to lie divided o.piall 






hold' goods to inv dallghtr 


r Marv'. ti 


he'divi. 


in v stoeic to mv grand-eli 


ild. both t 


lat vvliii 


give tile other llalle of ill 






this proviso. 1 -i\ -■ m\ -l 






God be pleased to din 






I appoint to be my son D 






goods after l!i\ doera-i : 







L 



-at} 



tlie same us ruimerlv m\' hi 
anv one shall he deceased 
present, if two he absent 

one or two more with him 
two servants Japliel ami I 
David choosing wliicli of I 
twenty-five pounds left in : 
law Arthuix'or his heires. 
will it, iK-Wi.fii.n-v.l by n 
which that bill was made. 

For confirmation of tl 
Witness.-: Thomas .lames, 
upon good consideration si 
saving or excepting Ihehoi 
and daughter Minn , ni\ -^v.x 
for their best advalitagi- till 

Witnesse: John Mnii 
[liiila] before ye Court of S< 
Thomas James. John Mult' 



and ■' Jet 
ltd Testan 


emiah 
lent. ] 


," and tlie 
set to mv 1 


land at 


id scale (s 


..It' 


ted) Maky Gabdis 


, lor 


■d. Robert 


Itond: 


April 111th, 


1661. 


.Memo™ 




I, Mary Gardi 




Will and 


Teslai 


last "Will be 
ames. The 


aile.di 
tilcm" 

proba 


in all re: 
ive to the 
to be eg.ua 

lion of tb 


-1" 
IP 

Ml' 


ildn I 
Mlivii 
Mai 
Will. 


onfirro the sa 
i of my son Da 
led avid impro 
.v Gardiner 
the 6th of Jv 


vid! 
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il. was 


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ituesses, namely: 



NOT 



Lion Gardiner was at au early age a God-fearing Puritan; he emigrated in tlie interest of Puritanism, 
aud labored with and for the early fathers, and .justly belongs among the founders of New England. After 
leaving Saybrooke he "was still, practically, under New England protection both at his Island and at East 
Hampton. All ot his social, religious aud trade relations were with the settlers of New England. His Island 
was au independent plantation during his life time, and East Hampton and the other towns at the east end 
of Long Island were during the same period under the protection of Connecticut until 10G2. At no time was 
he ever called upon to recognize the government of New York. His son David first acknowledged the suprem- 
acy of the government of New York in 1665.— C. C. G. 



EDITORIAL EGOTISM. 



EDITORIAL EGOTISM. 



ZFIITIS COBON-AT 0:FUS. 



Thirty years ago I began a search for my ancestry, a pursuit I 
thoroughly enjoyed, as a pastime, because it brought me many 
entertaining letters, ivith fresh facts and, interesting reminiscences. 
Within a comparatively brief period I was the possessor of a mass of 
materials sufficient to make a moderate volume, yet I had no thought 
of preparing the matter for publication. I was content to rest from 
my labors, when I had succeeded in establishing a complete chain of 
descent from my earliest ancestor in this country. 

Here is my pedigree: Curtiss Crane Gardiner, born in Eaton, 
N. T., December 1, 1822; the son of Lyman Gardiner, born in 
Sherburne, N. T., July 25, 1798, married first Mary Crane, died at 
Nunda, N. T., December 7, 1846 ; the son of Daniel Denison Gardiner, 
born in Groton, Ct., March 28, 1773, married Eunice Otis, died at 
Eaton, N. T., July 17, 1817 ; the son of William Gardiner, born in 
Groton, Ct., September 5, 174-1, married Esther Denison, died at 
Chenango Forks, JV. Y., March 31, 1800 ; the son of Joseph Gardiner, 
born on Gardiner's Island, April 22, 1697, married Sarah Grant, 
died at Groton, Ct., May 15, 1752; the son of John Gardiner, born 
on Gardiner's Island, April 19, 1661, married first Mary King, died 
at New London, Ct., June 25, 1738 ; the son of David Gardiner, born 
in Saybrooke Fort, Ct., April 29, 1636, married Mary Leringman, 
widow, died at Hartford, Ct., July 10, 1689; the son of Lion Gardiner, 
the progenitor of the family in America. 



92 EDITORIAL EGOTISM. 

/ then gathered up the letters and papers which had accumulated 
in the course of my search, and carefully packed, them away, and 
they remained packed away in my possession, from 1855 to 1882— 
tiventy-seven years— when I found it necessary to consult them as 
aids in the preparation of the manuscript for this volume. Unfolding 
those old, familiar letters— companions of other days — I discovered 
the Great Destroyer of all living had cut down all hut one of the 
writers. Such a destruction was appalling and well calculated to 
awaken the most solemn reflections. But such is life. True, my old 
friends had passed away, yet I found consolation in the fact that 
they heed left me valuable autograph letters; and w hat is so like one's 
friend as his letters ? ' In one instance, a letter which I had written 
to one of those old correspondents, became the subject of a conspicuous 
newspaper item, in the folloiving language : "There is a letter in the 

post office at S S , (N. TJ, addressed to Mr. G r V 

W k. As that gentleman has slept with his forefathers nearly 

a quarter of a century, we are not a little curious to know ivho it is 
that has for so many years survived him, and not yet learned that 
he long ago wrapped 'the drapery of his couch about him and lies 
down to pleasant dreams.' " My experience reminded me of Rip Van 
Winkle, ivhen he returned to his native village, after twenty years' 
sleep in the Highlands. Like him, I found my old friends "gone," 
and like him I was ready, for the moment, to doubt my own existence, 
and to exclaim "I'm not myself— I'm some body else." 

The production of this volume should be credited to the publi- 
cation of the "Winthrop Papers." It appeared to me, after reading 
that valuable collection, that if some one should make a compilation 
of all the papers of Lion Gardiner, such a volume would be an 
acceptable offering to his descendants. If I have succeeded in that, 
my purpose has been fulfilled. 

All of the authorities consulted have been credited in the proper 
places, except where the same events have appeared, in a number of 
publications without any claim to originality. All histories of the 



EDITORIAL EGOTISM. 93 

early colonial times in New England, and of the Eastern settlements 
of Long Island, necessarily mention Lion Gardiner. A. memoir of him, 
by Alexander Gardiner, was published in 1849, by the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, Vol. X, 3d Series, pp. 173-185. His career is 
referred to very fully in the " Two-Hundredth Anniversary " Address, 
by H. P. Hedges, at East Hampton, published in 1850. He is likewise 
written up exhaustively in the "Chronicles of East Hampton" by 
David Gardiner, published in 1871. The "History of the City of New 
York," by Mrs. M. J. Lamb, refers to him, but is more devoted to his 
descendants. 

My acknowledgments are due to a number of gentlemen, and to 
one lady, none of xvhom I have the pleasure to know, and I do not 
feel authorized to mention their names. With grateful remembrances 
to all, I beg to say that I have found them agreeable, painstaking and 
obliging correspondents, and I hope they may never have cause to 
regret having contributed, what they could, to this work. Only a 
limited edition will be printed, solely for private circulation. Bated 
this 27th day of August, 1883. 



APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX. 



GARDINER'S ISLAND. 

" Where now, it may be ask'd, are all 
Those tawny tribes? From off this beauteous Isle, 
By time's rude haud, swept like the sands which 
Rolling waves have hurled into the deep. "Where 
The tall chiefs, who strode like spirits o'er this 
Sunny Isle, threading the forest by their magic 
Trail, marshalling their hosts, sole monarchs of the 
Soil? ...... 

All, all are gone! Oblivion's 
Wave, with waters dark and deep, roll o'er their 
Dust, their memories and their names." 

This island originally belonged to the jurisdiction of the Mon- 
tauk Indians, and was purchased from the aboriginal owners by 
Lion Gardiner, by deed bearing date May 3, 1639, (1) called by them 
Manchonack; and from the grantee of the King of England by a 
grant bearing date March 10, 1640,(2) called by the English Isle of 
Wight. It was created a Manor. On the death of Lion Gardiner he 
bequeathed (3) his whole estate to his wife, who, at her death, be- 
queathed (4) the island to her son David—" during his life, and after 
his decease to his, next heire maile begotten by him" and "to be 
entayled to the first heires maile proceeding from the body," of her 
late husband and herself, "from time to time forever." October 5, 
1665, David Gardiner procured a grant from Governor Nicoll for a 
quit-rent of £5 a year. September 23, 1670, he procured a release 
from Governor Lovelace for one lamb yearly, if it should be de- 
manded. November 1, 1683, the General Assembly of New York 
divided the province into counties and towns, and included the Isle 
of Wight within the county of Suffolk— the island still retaining its 

(1) Vide Supra, p. 75, note (»). Also Vide Supra, p. 81, note (2). (2) Vide Supra, p. 82, note (1). 
(3) Vide Supra, p. 86. (*) Vide Supra, p. 86. 



98 APPENDIX. 

manorial rights and privileges. September 11, 1686, David Gardiner 
procured a grant from Governor Dongan hy which the island was 
erected into the "Lordship and Manor of Gardiner's Island," for one 
lamb yearly in lien of all services whatsoever. (1) March 7, 1788, 
the State Legislature passed an act attaching the island to the town 
of East Hampton in the county of Suffolk, which is its present polit- 
ical status. 

The locality of the island is north-east of the bay of the same 
name, about three miles east of Long Island. Its greatest length, 
including the sand bars at the two extremities, is nearly seven and 
a half miles. Its greatest width slightly exceeds one mile. The 
general outline of the shore is irregular, and portions of the surface 
are uneven, with here and there fresh water ponds and patches of 
deep forest. The whole island contains upwards of three thousand 
acres of good land. 

The first, third and seventh proprietors are the most conspicu- 
ously mentioned in history. A sketch of Lion Gardiner, first 
proprietor, occupies this volume. While John Gardiner, third pro- 
prietor, was iu possession, Kidd, the notorious pirate, visited the 
island at least twice. At one time he came in the absence of the 
proprietor, and requested the proprietor's wife to roast him a pig. 
She being afraid to refuse him, cooked it well, which pleased him, 
and on his departure he presented her with two small blankets of 
gold cloth — a small remnant of one of them still remains with the 
relics of the family. (2) At another time Kidd came, and, in the pres- 
ence of the proprietor, buried a quantity of gold, silver and precious 
stones, enjoining upon him the most solemn pledges of secrecy. 
After the arrest of Kidd, the burial of the treasure was made known, 
and government officials were dispatched to secure it. Having taken 

( 1 1 The lees for these executive grants, under Ihe seal of the province, was a perquisite of Hie Governors— 
to till their pockets al the expense or the people.— Thompson's His. L. I., 1, pp. 139-U7. Gov. Nicoll 
fathered a harvest of lees from exacting new title .lee. Is. ITinlcr Gov. Luvclace, In- successor. Ihe same 

system was more fully developed.— Bancroft's His. of the u. S., II, pp. 320,321. 

(2) I have a small particle of the gold cloth which was clipped oft' from the remnant and presented to me 
by Mrs. Gardiner, widow of the seventh proprietor, at the island, August 9th and 10th, 1855.— C. C. G. 



APPENDIX. 99 

possession, they gave a receipt — the original of which is still pre- 
served by the family, as follows : (1) 

Boston, New-England, July, 25, 1699. 
A true account of all such gold, silver, jewels, and merchandise, late in the pos- 
session of Captain William Kidd, which have been seized and secured by us under 
written pursuant to an order from his Excellency Richard Earl of Bellomont, Captain 
General and Governor in Chief in and over her Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts 
Bay, &c. bearing date July 7, 1699. 

In Capt. ffm. Kidd's box, viz. ounces 

One bag qt fifty-three silver bars .... 357 

One bag qt seventy-nine bars and pieces of silver . . 442^ 

One bag qt seventy-four bars of silver . . . 421 

One enameled silver box guilt in which are— four diamonds set in gold lockets, 
one diamond loose, one large diamond set in a gold ring. 
Found in the Mr. Duncan Campbell's house : 

ounces 
No. 1. one bag qt of gold ..... 58% 

2. one bag qt . ' . . . ' . 94 

3. one handkerchief qt ..... 50 

4. one bag qt ...... 103 

5. one bag qt . . . , ■ • 3S}-s 

6. one bag qt ...... 19% 

7. one bag qt of silver ..... 203 

Also twenty dollars one-half and one-quarter pieces of eight, nine English 
Crowns, one small bar of silver, one small lump of silver, a small chain, a small bottle, 
a coral necklace, one piece of white and one piece of chequered silk. 

In Capt. Win. Kidd's chest, viz: two silver casons, two silver candlesticks, one 
silver porringer, and some small things of silver qt 82 ounces. Kubies small and great, 
sixty-seven green stones— 69 precious stones. One large load stone. 

Landed from on board the sloop Antonia, Capt. Wm. Kidd late commander, 57. 
bales of sugar, 17 canvass pieces, 41 bales of merchandise. 

Received of Mr. Duncan Campbell three bales of merchandise, whereof one he 

had opened being much damnified by water qt eighty-five pieces of silk Rouralls and 

Bangalls. Sixty pieces of calico and muslins. 

Received the 17th instant of Mr. John Gardiner, viz: ounces. 

No. 1. one bag dust gold qt 60% 

2. one bag coyned gold qt . . • .11 
and in it silver qt ..... 124 

3. one bag dust gold qt ..... 24% 

4. one bag qt three silver rings and sundry precious stones 4% 
one bag unpolished stones qt .... 12}£ 
one pure crystal and brazer stones two Cornelian rings, two 

small agates, two amethysts, all in the same bag. 

5. one bag silver buttons and a lamp . .29 

6. one bag broken silver qt 173)^ 

7. one bag gold bars . .... 353^ 

8. one bag gold bars .... 238}£ 

9. one bag dust gold . . 59>a 

10. one bag silver bars .... 212 

11. one bag silver bars . . 309 

The whole of the gold above mentioned is eleven hundred and eleven ounces Troy 
Wt. The silver is two thousand three hundred and fifty-three ounces. 

The jewels or precious stones weighed— are seventeen ounces three-eighths of an 
ounce and sixty-nine stones by scale. 

The sugar is contained in 57 bags. The merchandise contained in 41 bales. The 
canvass in seventeen pieces. 

(1) I made this copy from tlieorigiual document at the island, August 9tli and lOtli, 1855.— C. C. G. 



100 APPENDIX. 

A true account of the first sheet of the accompt of the treasure goods and mer- 
chandise imported by Captain William Kidd and company and accomplices Anno 1699. 
Seized by order of the Earl of Bellomont which accompt was presented in thirteen 
sheets under the hands of Samuel Sewall, Nathaniel Byfield, Jeremiah Dumer, and 
Andrew Belcher, Esq., Commissioners appointed to receive and secure and upon their 
oaths. — And is lodged in the Secretary's office at Boston. 

(1) Ex'm'd pr F. Addington Sec'y- 

Other pirates came to the island at a later period for plunder — 
assaulting and wounding the proprietor. During the Revolutionary 
War there were frequent raids by the ■ British for stock and other 
products. At the same time British seamen, from the men-of-war 
anchored in the hay, made it their sporting ground. 

John Lyon Gardiner, seventh proprietor, was highly intelligent, 
and especially fond of antiquarian research. His manuscripts relat- 
ing to the family and to the island and adjacent places, are invaluable 
to the historian. He secured the Genevan Bible — printed at London 
1599. (2) Also an Indian Bible — printed at Cambridge, Mass., 1663 — 
the first printing office established in America. (3) 

The title-page of the Indian Bible is printed in English as fol- 
lows : 

" The Holy Bible containing the old testament and the new. Translated into the 
Indian language and ordered to be printed by the Commissioners of the United Colonies 
of New England. At the charge and with the consent of the corporation in England 
for the propogation of the gospel amongst the Indians of New England— Cambridge, 
printed by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson mdclxiii." 

The following is the heading over the first chapter of the Old 
Testament, together with the first verse in Genesis : 

Negonne oosukkuhwhouk Moses. Ne usweetamuk. 

GENESIS. 

1. Wcike kutchitsik a aytum god kefuk kah alike. 

The following is the commencement of the New Testament, with 
the first verse in Matthew : 

(1) It is said one diamond was carelessly dropped by tlie officials at Gardiner's Island, which was found 
alter their depart lire, and is now in llle possession of the family of Gardiner Green, of Boston, a descendant of 
a daughter of John Gardiner. Ihird proprietor. Parlies frc.picntlv ask permission lo disr lor Kidd 's treasure at 
the island. -C. C. G. " My lather when a young man was sent h'v his lather, and a chart Liven him iodic up 
some ot Kidd's buried treasures near Monlauk Point. Thcv were seared away by the MonlanU Indians, and 
never returned. I copied the chart when a boy, and may have it still."— Letter "from Dr. T. W. Coit, Mid- 
dletown, Ct., Allg.7, 1883. 

(2) Vide Supra, p. 11. 

(3) " I received this Indian Bible from Joshua Nonesuch of the Niliontic tribe iu Lyme— by means of 
Daniel Wank. at. this I7tli day id' May, IM.'i. It is said to have been present.'. I lo the tribe by a Sachem of the 
Moneags in Norwich, Ct.''— Mem. by John Lron Gardiner, seventh proprietor. 



APPENDIX. 101 

Wunaunchemookaonk Nashpe. 

MATTHEW. 

1. Uppometuongane a book Jesus Christ wunnuaumonuh David lounnuaumonuh 

Abraham. 

The island has been a plantation by itself from its earliest 
occupancy — continuing, without interruption, in the possession of the 
descendants of the first purchaser. Prior to the Revolutionary War 
the proprietors were called, after the custom in England, Lords of 
the Manor, and, for some time later, the soubriquet was extended to 
them by the courtesy of their neighbors. 

The usual approach to the island is from the shore of Long 
Island, at a post-village called " the Springs." There is no harbor 
on the island — only a boat-house. The mansion fronts to the west, 
near the shore. The present structure was erected by the sixth pro- 
prietor and is upwards of a century old — large, two-story, with wide 
gables and dormer windows, a deep porch in front, and is shaded by 
forest trees of venerable and stately appearance. Within this large 
and hospitable abode there are many relics and priceless heir- 
looms — fire arms, hunting trophies, paintings, books, documents, 
plate, and the family coat of arms. The cemetery is located about 
a half a mile east of the mansion, in which there are not to exceed a 
score of graves including the several proprietors, from the fourth to 
the tenth inclusive. The first proprietor was buried at East Hamp- 
ton, (1) the second at Hartford, (2) the third at New London. (3) 

The island is a charming spot. As a plantation it is devoted 
chiefly to grazing and stock raising. Further than this our subject 
does not require any particulars. 

(1) Vide Supra, p. S6. 

(2) The tombstone of David Gardiner, second proprietor, was lost to his descendants for a great many 
years. He was hnried in the rear of (he Centre Church. Hartford, Ct... and over hisjiravc was placed allori- 
zontal slab of rod sand stone, with an inscription, which in the course of time became parllv imbedded in 
the earth and its whereabouts was not known for at least a couture. In ISM Mr. J. W. Barber of New Haven, 
discovered thestoneand with considerable dittioullv, deciphered the inscription, as follows: 

" Here lyeth the body of Mi. David Gardiner of Gardiner's island. Deceased Jvly 10, 
10s9, in the fifty-fovrth year of his age well. sick, dead. in one hovrs space. 
" Engrave the kememckance of death on thine heart 
• When as thov dost see how swiftly- hovrs depart." 

(3) Vide Supra, p. 57. 



102 APPENDIX. 

PROPRIETORS OF GARDINER'S ISLAND. 

First: Lion Gardiner died in 1663, and left male issue, aged 64. 

Second : David Gardiner, only son of Lion. Bequeathed to him as a life estate, by 
the will of his mother, to be entailed to the first heirs male, from time to time for- 
ever. Died in 16S9, and left male issue, aged 53. 

Third : John Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding David. Died in 173S, and left male 
issue, aged 77. 

Fourth: David Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding John. Died in 1751, and left 
male issue, aged 60. 

Fifth : John Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding David. Died in 1764, and left male 
issue, aged 36. 

Sixth : David Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding John. Died in 1774, and left male 
issue, aged 36. 

Seventh: John Lyon Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding David. Died in 1S16, and 
left male issue, aged 46. 

Eighth : David Johnson Gardiner, eldest sou of the preceding John Lyon. Died in 
1S29, unmarried and intestate, aged 25. There being no heir male the island 
became an inheritance to the nest of kin. In common parlance, the entail was 
broken. 

Ninth : John Griswold Gardiner, brother of the preceding David Johnson. Purchased 
the interests of other heirs and became the owner in fee simple. Died unmarried 
and intestate in 1861, aged 49. 

Tenth: Samuel Buell Gardiner, brother of the preceding David J. and John G. Pur- 
chased the interests of other heirs. Died in 1SS2, aged 67. 

Eleventh : David J. Gardiner, eldest son of the preceding Samuel Buell. Bequeathed 
to him by his father, and he sold to his brother J. Lyon Gardiner. 

Twelfth : J. Lyon Gardiner, brother of the preceding David J. Owned by purchase. 



INDEX. 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



THIS INDEX DOES NOT REFER TO LION GARDINER, NOR TO INDIANS, NOR 
TO AUTHORS QUOTED. 



Allyn (Allen), 45. 
Arthur, TV., 51. 
Arthur, C. A., 51. 

Bagley, 33. 

Beecher, Rev. L., 11. 

Bellingham (Belingam), IB, 71. 

Boynton (Bonnington), Sir Matt., 15, 

Bond, 86, 87. 

Brooke (Brooks), Lord, 15, 72, 73, 74 

Branch, 20. 

Chapman, 14, 20, 33. 

Charles (Charts), 37. 

Chatfleld, 85. 

Conkling, 11, 13, 80, 87. 

Coddington, 16,71. 

Coit, Robert, 58, 62. 

Coit, Mrs. Rob't (Brainard), 58, 62. 

Coit, Thomas, 58, 61. 

Coit, Thos. W., 60,61, 62, 100. 

Coit (Sarah Gardiner) , 58. 

Coit, Jonathan, 61. 

Coit, Mary G., 61. 

Colet, 70. 

Cruyer (Cryar), 42, 43, 44. 

Cromwell, 73. 

Davenport, 15, 67, 69. 

Darley, 72. 

Daily, 85. 

Davis, 82. 

Dike, 21. 

Dudley, 16. 

Eaton, 30, S3. 
Endicott, 18, 67, 77. 



Farrett, 82. 
Farrington, 32, 83. 
Fairfax, 69. 

Fenwick, 15, 16, 17, 72 
(Phenwicke),36. 



74, 75, 76; (Phenix),35; 



Gardiner, Mary, 12, 58, 59, 69, 70, 80, 86, 87. 
'Gardiner, John Lyon, 11, 12, 59, 60, 62, 68, 100. 
Gardiner, (Sarah Griswold), 11, 59. 
Gardiner, David, 12, 57, 58, 60, 61, 68, 80, 85, 9 

87, 100. 
Gardiner, Elizabeth, 12, 86,87. 
Gardiner, John, 12, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 98, 99, 100. 
Gardiner, Jonathan, 12, 58. 
Gardiner, Lucre tia, 12. 
Gardiner, Henry D., 51. 
Gardiner, J. Lyon, 59, 62. 
Gardiner, David J., 59. 
Gardiner, Samuel B., 59, 62, 
Gardiner, Richard, 60. 
Gardiner, the name of, 51, 52. 
Gardiner, signature and a seal, 53. 
Gardiner, arms of, 55-64. 
Gardiner's Island, 97. 
Gardiner's Island, Proprietors, 102. 
Gardiner, Pedigree, 91. 
Garlicke, 43, 84, 85. 
Gibbons, 15, 26, 67, 73. 
Gosmore, 31. 
Green. 24, 100. 
Graves, 37. 

Haines, 16, 29, 30, 82. 
Hammond (Hamman), 32, S3. 
Hampden, 73. 

Heslerigge, Sir Arthur, 15, 72, 73. 
Hedges, 57, 85. 



106 



Higginson (Higgisson), 21, 24, 25. 

Howell31; (Gardiner), 86, 87. 

Hopkius, 70. 

Huvlburt (Huiibut), 14, 17, 20, 21, 24, 34. 

Humphrey (Humfry), 16. 

Huntting, 57, 59. 

Hunter, 70. 

James, 84, 86, 87. 
Jope (Job) , 70. 

Kidd, 98, 99. 

Lake, 44. 

Lam-enee, 72, 73. 
Lee, 46,47. 
Leicester, Earl of, 69. 
T.ecbiord, 75,81. 
Ludlow, 16, 25. 

Mason, 14, 15, 23, 25, 32, 67, 79, 80. 
Mitchell (Michell), 20, 21, 23. 
Miller, 84. 
Mulford, 86, 87. 

Nowell, 16. 
Nott, 37. 
Nye, 72. 

Oldham, 16, 27, 76. 

Peters, 15, 16, 17, 36, 37, 39, 67, 69, 72, 75, 76. 

Pell, 21, 24,25. 

Pennys, 46. 

Plum, 24. 

Provost, 29. 

Price, 82, 84. 

Pynchon (Pincheon), 17, 23; (Pinchin), 36, 

Quick, 37. 



Robinson (Eobbingson), 37. 
Rumble, 20. 

Saltonstall (Saltingstone), 15, 72, 75. 

Say and Seal, Lord, 70, 72, 73, 74. 

Scott, 46. 

Seeley, 23, 25, 32, 67. 

Searle, 45. 

Sibada, 44. 

Smith, 85, 86. 

Spencer, 21. 

Standish, 67. 

Stanton, 16, 21, 22, 42, 43, 44. 

Stone, 25, 45, 76. 

Steel, 25. 

Stoughton (Stoten), 26, 67. 

Talmage, 85.. 

Tilly (Tille),17, 23, 24, 77. 

Trumbull, 14. 

Trumbull, J. Hammond, 75, 81. 

Turner, 18. 

Underhill (Undrill), 18, 24, 25, 32, 67, 78, 79. 

Vane, 21, 24, 67, 71, 72,78. 
Vere, Lord, 69. 

Webb, 70. 

Wilemson, 69. 

Williams, W. T., 14. 

Winthrop, 15, 16, 17, 35, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 

63, 67, 69, 70, 71,72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 81, 84. 
Willard, 15,57,73. 
Williams, Roger, 29, 67, 79. 
Winslow, 78. 
Wyllys (Willis) , 45. 



rW 



\^m ) / 



%xon dardiwer. 



PAPERS AND BIOGRAPHY. 



GARDINER. 




The Papers and Biography of Lion Gardiner, 
1599-1C63. With an Appendix. Edited, with 
Rotes Critical aud Illustrative, by Curtiss C 
Gardiner. St. Louis. 1883. 
It is with regret that we pronounce this hand- 
some volume to be a failure, because such family 
records generally claim so moderate a rauk 
But it points out a defect which gentlemeu of 
leisure are apt to overlook-namely, that a u*e- 
, less book is worse than nothing. la the present 
case, out of the hundred pages of the book, only 
[ two have any value-namely, those which give 
. a .list of the proprietors of Gardiner's Island, and 
' the pedigree of the author's own line The 
other contents are merely reprints of wel<- 
known documents, not sufficient to constitute a 
biography. Besides these, the editor has ap- 
pended some whimsical ijotes, which only reveal 
his lack of special information. 

It is greatly to be regretted that any descend- 
ant of the well-known engineer and soldier, Lion 
Gardiner, having the means and the desire to 
print a memorial, should have lacked the happy 
inspiration of getting some competent person to 
collect and arrange the material for him The 
theme is an interesting one, and, in the hands of 
a local antiquary, it would doubtless have been 
■ productive. What is expected nowadays in such 
a book is exact details and careful arrangement 
It is certain that the history of the manor of 
Gardiner's Island, and a sketch of its successive 
proprietors, their connections and offshoots 
would be a welcome addition to American geue- 
alogy. It is seldom that the possessor of family 
papers, traditions, and memorials is also com- 
petent to give them a suitable form. But to 
avail of the services of a compiler is no more un- 
necessary, or unreasonable than, to secure, a i 
printer/-'-.- . . . I 



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